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Dec 29, 2010

Afridi raps his bowlers

KARACHI: Pakistan captain Shahid Afridi blamed his erratic bowlers for an embarrassing 39-run defeat in the second Twenty20 International against New Zealand in Hamilton on Tuesday.
“We were let down today by our bowlers,” said the seasoned allrounder, whose team has lost in all three of its matches played during the tour so far. “I was expecting a much better performance from them but they were unable to bowl well in the match,” he added.
Pakistan allowed New Zealand to post 185-7 at Seddon Park and never really came close to achieving a much-needed win to level the series.
The worst performance of the day came from pacer Umar Gul, who was milked for runs by the Black Caps. Gul, one of the most successful bowlers in the shortest format of the game, gave away 47 runs from three overs at 15.66. Fellow fast bowler Shoaib Akhtar was also quite expensive as he gave away 42 runs from his quota of four overs.
Tuesday’s loss means that Pakistan have already lost the three-match Twenty20 series but Afridi was confident that his players will now allow the hosts a clean sweep.
“We have to raise our game and I’m confident that we will do it in the next match. The team is going to improve in the coming games,” he stressed.
Pakistan will meet New Zealand in the last match of the T20 series in Christchurch on Thursday (tomorrow). It will be followed by two Tests and six ODIs.
Experienced batsman Misbah-ul-Haq will take charge of the team as Test captain on Friday while Afridi and few other teammates will head back home.

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McCullum bamboozles Pakistan

HAMILTON: New Zealand wrapped up their Twenty20 International series against Pakistan with a match to spare when they blasted their way to a 39-run win in the second match here Tuesday.
Scott Styris and Peter McGlashan were the principal contributors to a 79-run onslaught in five overs which swung the match New Zealand’s way in the second half of their innings of 185 for seven.
Pakistan made a valiant start to the run chase and were 58 for one after six overs before their batting was robbed of its impetus by the twin-spin attack in the middle eight overs.
Man-of-the-match Nathan McCullum took four for 16 off his four overs while debutant Luke Woodcock took none for 20 and at the close of their innings Pakistan were 146 for nine.
It was a good recovery for New Zealand who lost the toss, were sent in to bat on an unfavourable wicket and immediately lost opener Jesse Ryder on the first ball of the match.
But from then, the New Zealand were in control with Martin Guptill and James Franklin starring in a 90-run stand for the second wicket.
“It was a good performance right from Guptill and Franklin’s opening stand,” said New Zealand captain Ross Taylor, adding his side has wants to keep the winning streak going after recent series losses against India and Bangladesh.
“We’ve had a few go against us in the recent past so we would like to go for the whitewash. We want to improve with every game.”
Guptill, who blazed 54 from 29 balls in the first match, compiled a brisk 44, including three sixes and three fours, from 28 deliveries while Franklin, newly promoted from six to three, made 44.
Both wickets fell in the space of five balls leaving Styris and then McGlashan to continue the initiative while skipper Ross Taylor anchored the other end.
Styris, who came in at the fall of Franklin’s wicket, clouted 34 off 14 balls and with his departure McGlashan combined a mixture of orthodox shots and reverse sweeps to belt 26 from 10 deliveries.
“With the way we bowled. I’m very disappointed,” Pakistan captain Afridi said. “We didn’t bowl well. We have very experienced bowlers and they didn’t bowl on the spot.” Taylor was unbeaten on 30 at the end of the innings while Saeed Ajmal returned the best figures for Pakistan with three for 35 off his four overs.
Mohammed Hafeez and Shahid Afridi made a fiery start to Pakistan’s reply and raced to 24 off 11 balls before Kyle Mills was fortuitously rewarded for a rank full toss which Afridi missed and was bowled for seven.
Pakistan remained ahead of the required run rate through the first six overs before slowing in the face of the spin attack.
Woodcock, making his international debut was unlucky not to claim the wicket of Hafeez with his fourth ball when Ross Taylor dropped a sitter from the Pakistan opener.
It was a short-lived life for Hafeez who added two more runs before he was run out for 46 on the first ball of Woodcock’s second over and Pakistan’s mainstay batsman was gone.
Only Umar Akmal (26) and Ahmed Shehzad (15) offered resistance while for New Zealand fast bowler Tim Southee backed up the spinners with two for 26 off his four overs.
The final Twenty20 match is in Christchurch on Thursday (tomorrow) to be followed by two Tests and six one-dayers.
Score board
Pakistan won toss
New Zealand
J D Ryder c U Akmal b Razzaq 0
M J Guptill c Afridi b Ajmal 44
J E C Franklin c U Akmal b Afridi 40
*L R P L Taylor not out 30
S B Styris c Shehzad b Shoaib 34
†P D McGlashan lbw b Wahab 26
N L McCullum c Asad b Ajmal 1
K D Mills st U Akmal b Ajmal 0
Extras (b1, lb4, w4, nb1) 10
Total (7 wickets, 20 overs) 185
Did not bat: L J Woodcock, I G Butler, T G Southee
Fall: 1-0, 2-91, 3-94, 4-133, 5-175, 6-184, 7-185
Bowling: Abdul Razzaq 2-0-12-1; Shoaib Akhtar 4-0-42-1 (1nb, 1w); Umar Gul 3-0-47-0; Wahab Riaz 3-0-22-1 (3w); Shahid Afridi 4-0-22-1; Saeed Ajmal 4-0-35-3
Pakistan
Mohammad Hafeez run out (Guptill/McGlashan) 46
*Shahid Afridi b Mills 7
Ahmed Shehzad c Styris b Butler 15
†Umar Akmal c McCullum b Southee 26
Younis Khan c McGlashan b McCullum 3
Asad Shafiq b McCullum 6
Abdul Razzaq c McGlashan b McCullum 14
Umar Gul c Guptill b McCullum 0
Wahab Riaz c McCullum b Southee 18
Shoaib Akhtar not out 5
Saeed Ajmal not out 0
Extras (lb5, w1) 6
Total (9 wickets, 20 overs) 146
Fall: 1-24, 2-68, 3-69, 4-76, 5-96, 6-114, 7-114, 8-141, 9-141
Bowling: Franklin 1-0-10-0; Mills 3-0-34-1 (1w); Southee 4-0-26-2; Butler 4-0-35-1; Woodcock 4-0-20-0; McCullum 4-0-16-4
Result: New Zealand won by 39 runs
Series: New Zealand lead the 3-T20 series 2-0
T20I debuts: L J Woodcock (New Zealand); Asad Shafiq (Pakistan)
Man of the Match: N L McCullum (New Zealand)
Umpires: G A V Baxter and C B Gaffaney. TV umpire: B G Frost. Match referee: R S Mahanama (Sri Lanka)

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McCullum bamboozles Pakistan

HAMILTON: New Zealand wrapped up their Twenty20 International series against Pakistan with a match to spare when they blasted their way to a 39-run win in the second match here Tuesday.
Scott Styris and Peter McGlashan were the principal contributors to a 79-run onslaught in five overs which swung the match New Zealand’s way in the second half of their innings of 185 for seven.
Pakistan made a valiant start to the run chase and were 58 for one after six overs before their batting was robbed of its impetus by the twin-spin attack in the middle eight overs.
Man-of-the-match Nathan McCullum took four for 16 off his four overs while debutant Luke Woodcock took none for 20 and at the close of their innings Pakistan were 146 for nine.
It was a good recovery for New Zealand who lost the toss, were sent in to bat on an unfavourable wicket and immediately lost opener Jesse Ryder on the first ball of the match.
But from then, the New Zealand were in control with Martin Guptill and James Franklin starring in a 90-run stand for the second wicket.
“It was a good performance right from Guptill and Franklin’s opening stand,” said New Zealand captain Ross Taylor, adding his side has wants to keep the winning streak going after recent series losses against India and Bangladesh.
“We’ve had a few go against us in the recent past so we would like to go for the whitewash. We want to improve with every game.”
Guptill, who blazed 54 from 29 balls in the first match, compiled a brisk 44, including three sixes and three fours, from 28 deliveries while Franklin, newly promoted from six to three, made 44.
Both wickets fell in the space of five balls leaving Styris and then McGlashan to continue the initiative while skipper Ross Taylor anchored the other end.
Styris, who came in at the fall of Franklin’s wicket, clouted 34 off 14 balls and with his departure McGlashan combined a mixture of orthodox shots and reverse sweeps to belt 26 from 10 deliveries.
“With the way we bowled. I’m very disappointed,” Pakistan captain Afridi said. “We didn’t bowl well. We have very experienced bowlers and they didn’t bowl on the spot.” Taylor was unbeaten on 30 at the end of the innings while Saeed Ajmal returned the best figures for Pakistan with three for 35 off his four overs.
Mohammed Hafeez and Shahid Afridi made a fiery start to Pakistan’s reply and raced to 24 off 11 balls before Kyle Mills was fortuitously rewarded for a rank full toss which Afridi missed and was bowled for seven.
Pakistan remained ahead of the required run rate through the first six overs before slowing in the face of the spin attack.
Woodcock, making his international debut was unlucky not to claim the wicket of Hafeez with his fourth ball when Ross Taylor dropped a sitter from the Pakistan opener.
It was a short-lived life for Hafeez who added two more runs before he was run out for 46 on the first ball of Woodcock’s second over and Pakistan’s mainstay batsman was gone.
Only Umar Akmal (26) and Ahmed Shehzad (15) offered resistance while for New Zealand fast bowler Tim Southee backed up the spinners with two for 26 off his four overs.
The final Twenty20 match is in Christchurch on Thursday (tomorrow) to be followed by two Tests and six one-dayers.
Score board
Pakistan won toss
New Zealand
J D Ryder c U Akmal b Razzaq 0
M J Guptill c Afridi b Ajmal 44
J E C Franklin c U Akmal b Afridi 40
*L R P L Taylor not out 30
S B Styris c Shehzad b Shoaib 34
†P D McGlashan lbw b Wahab 26
N L McCullum c Asad b Ajmal 1
K D Mills st U Akmal b Ajmal 0
Extras (b1, lb4, w4, nb1) 10
Total (7 wickets, 20 overs) 185
Did not bat: L J Woodcock, I G Butler, T G Southee
Fall: 1-0, 2-91, 3-94, 4-133, 5-175, 6-184, 7-185
Bowling: Abdul Razzaq 2-0-12-1; Shoaib Akhtar 4-0-42-1 (1nb, 1w); Umar Gul 3-0-47-0; Wahab Riaz 3-0-22-1 (3w); Shahid Afridi 4-0-22-1; Saeed Ajmal 4-0-35-3
Pakistan
Mohammad Hafeez run out (Guptill/McGlashan) 46
*Shahid Afridi b Mills 7
Ahmed Shehzad c Styris b Butler 15
†Umar Akmal c McCullum b Southee 26
Younis Khan c McGlashan b McCullum 3
Asad Shafiq b McCullum 6
Abdul Razzaq c McGlashan b McCullum 14
Umar Gul c Guptill b McCullum 0
Wahab Riaz c McCullum b Southee 18
Shoaib Akhtar not out 5
Saeed Ajmal not out 0
Extras (lb5, w1) 6
Total (9 wickets, 20 overs) 146
Fall: 1-24, 2-68, 3-69, 4-76, 5-96, 6-114, 7-114, 8-141, 9-141
Bowling: Franklin 1-0-10-0; Mills 3-0-34-1 (1w); Southee 4-0-26-2; Butler 4-0-35-1; Woodcock 4-0-20-0; McCullum 4-0-16-4
Result: New Zealand won by 39 runs
Series: New Zealand lead the 3-T20 series 2-0
T20I debuts: L J Woodcock (New Zealand); Asad Shafiq (Pakistan)
Man of the Match: N L McCullum (New Zealand)
Umpires: G A V Baxter and C B Gaffaney. TV umpire: B G Frost. Match referee: R S Mahanama (Sri Lanka)


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A wider net

We have, in recent months, heard a great deal about corruption in the government and all the scandals that have hit it from time to time. Nepotism and other forms of grave wrongdoing have done a great deal to shake the trust of people in the government. But it is also important that we keep in mind the fact that, sadly, in our country corruption is not limited to any one group. It is widespread and exists in many places. The rich and influential are often the worst culprits. If the scourge is ever to be rooted out, we will need to act against all of them – whenever proof becomes available.
The raid by the FIA on the office in Lahore of MPA Moonis Ellahi in connection with a land scam involving the National Insurance Company Ltd goes a step in this direction. The action was approved by the interior ministry. The Supreme Court had already given orders to recover amounts misappropriated by the NICL by the middle of next month. The action against Moonis Ellahi who has also faced accusations of corruption – particularly with regard to land deals – in the past, apparently after some individuals involved in the NICL affair opted to speak out, has important implications. It may act as a warning to others that they cannot get away with wrongdoing, regardless of the power and position they hold. This is important in our society where the privileged have enjoyed immunity from action for too long and this in turn has allowed the evil seeds of corruption to grow into giant vines that wrap themselves around our state and its people.

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Devoid of vision

Public speaking was never our president’s strong point, and he has a tendency to wander from the script with usually incomprehensible results that do nothing for his standing as a national leader or statesman. His performance last Monday when he spoke at Naudero was just the most recent example of the fragility of his grip on reality, and it should raise real concerns as to his fitness for the job he does. Despite having notes he slipped into improvisation, and referenced extensively a ‘dialogue’ he had with his late wife Benazir Bhutto. As if this was not bizarre in itself, the content of their ‘dialogue’ appears to have had little connection with the performance of the government or the pitiable state of the people it claims to serve. Where were the questions about inflation? Or corruption? Unemployment? Law and order? And more importantly, what might be the presidential response were questions like that to be asked of him? Would he even have one? Surely, his late wife would have expressed her profound sadness at the parlous state of the country were she able to, but apparently this was not a part of the ‘dialogue’.
Further evidence that the president has had a reality bypass operation was provided by the news that the restoration of the chief justice was part of his political strategy all along. Oh really? So nothing to do with the lawyers’ long march or public protests? Of course not. Any thought of detailing the political strategy for the rest of the PPP tenure, or how relationships with coalition partners might be managed or the raging turmoil that is currently disturbing the political environment – was missing. Instead there were the usual platitudes about the next election being free, fair and transparent and his government seeing out its full five-year term. That it may yet do, but on present evidence it will be by default rather than design if it does. This was a speech devoid of any sort of vision that had a root in the corporeal world rather than the world beyond this. Its rambling incoherence serves as a metaphor for all that is wrong with the way we are being governed; and the apparent inability of the PPP to move beyond a reliance on its martyred leader as a political crutch. Our president may be a deal-broker and bargain-maker par excellence, but the qualities of leadership and vision coupled with the national imperative are missing, and we have more than two years of this bumbling ineptitude still to go.

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Time to think

The PPP should have its thinking caps on. It should be doing all it can to work out why so many of its allies have grown increasingly disgruntled with it and, in some cases at least, chosen to have nothing to do with the party. The MQM’s decision to pull out of the federal cabinet leaves the ruling party sailing a leaky boat on what are very stormy seas indeed. In Islamabad and elsewhere, the number equations are being worked out. While the MQM for now has said it will remain on the treasury benches, this too could change in time. After all, the rift with the PML-N that began in 2008 had followed a very similar course.
In terms of the immediate, the reason for the decision reached by the Rabita Committee of the MQM is linked to those rather unfortunate remarks about crime in Karachi by Sindh Home Minister Zulfiqar Mirza. But there is more to the matter. The MQM has been saying for some time, in no uncertain terms, that it is in disagreement with PPP policies on many issues. The RGST was one issue that recently made the differences clear. Altaf Hussain’s repeated warnings about a “French Revolution” taking place in the country have been accompanied by loud accusations that the PPP is not doing enough to help ordinary people. And it is not just the PML-N or the MQM that are unhappy. The JUI-F has already made its stance known and the loss of its seven seats add to the strains on the PPP. Maulana Fazl-ur-Rehman has now called for the resignation of Prime Minster Yusuf Raza Gilani. Even from within the ANP there are voices that question the PPP mode of governance and complain that the Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa province is being ignored. In other words, no one seems happy, and this may have a great deal to do with the government’s inability to offer people what they need. It has also played its cards rather badly, and in a coalition that can have grim consequences. All this could yet create a bigger crisis. A worsening of the situation is hardly something we need right now. As phone calls go out between Islamabad, Karachi and London, much will depend on the agreements reached and on whether a coalition bursting at the seams can still be stitched together.

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And now, women suicide bombers

A new wave of attacks by militants in the Mohmand and Bajaur tribal regions, including one apparently carried out by Pakistan’s first female suicide bomber, showed that the threat posed by the outlawed Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) hasn’t diminished despite a sustained military campaign against its components for almost seven years now.
Then, there was the external dimension to the threat. The complexity of the situation was evident from the recent verbal sparring across the Pakistani-Afghan border following reports that the Obama administration was stepping up pressure on Pakistan to allow US ground troops into its tribal areas to hunt down Al-Qaeda and Taliban militants. Reports in the American media said the US military commanders in Afghanistan were becoming impatient over Pakistan’s unwillingness to dismantle the safe havens for militants within its borders. The reports about any planned cross-border were denied by NATO, though such denials didn’t stop the US ground troops from violating Pakistan’s borders on a few occasions in the past.
Pakistan’s rejection of such a possibility was swift, but it remains to be seen if Washington took Islamabad seriously on the issue. The last time Pakistan was taken seriously was on Sept 30 when it blocked supplies to NATO forces in Afghanistan for 10 days after a US helicopter-gunship raid on one of its border posts in Kurram Agency killed two Pakistani soldiers, Lance Naik Nawazish Khan and Sepoy Shahinshah. The US tendered an apology and promised that it won’t happen again.
Pakistan made it clear that it had not reached any understanding with the US to allow its troops to operate in Pakistani territory. A statement from the office of President Hamid Karzai asking the US to “take out sanctuaries of insurgents outside Afghanistan” made it obvious that the Afghan government and the US were coordinating their moves to bring Pakistan under pressure to “do more” to make life easier for the US-led coalition forces battling the resurgent Taliban. President Karzai has been arguing that the battle against Al-Qaeda and Taliban shouldn’t be fought in Afghanistan’s villages but ought to be taken to their sanctuaries across the border in Pakistan. Any major incursion of NATO and Afghan forces into Pakistan would have serious consequences and could even unravel the uneasy alliance in the so-called “war on terror” between Islamabad and Washington.
Recent events in Pakistan’s tribal areas contributed to the tension on the Durand Line, the long, porous and mostly unguarded border between Afghanistan and Pakistan whose actual length one recently learnt was 1,920 kilometres, and not more than 2,400 as is often mentioned. After the daring assault by up to 150 militants on five posts of the security forces in Mohmand Agency during the night of Dec 23-24, in which 11 soldiers and 40 insurgents were reportedly killed, Pakistani authorities alleged that some of the attackers came from Afghanistan. The governor of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province, Owais Ahmad Ghani, warned that such attacks would be resisted and that there would also be retaliation by Pakistan’s security forces. In the past also, military authorities have been claiming that elements in the Afghan government, particularly the governor of Kunar province, were sheltering Pakistani militants. The Afghan government has denied the accusations, though one cannot believe that the US authorities would be unaware in case Kabul has given refuge to militants from Pakistan fleeing military operations in places like Bajaur and Mohmand.
As if on cue, the leader of Pakistan’s largest Islamic party, the JUI-F, warned in a speech in the National Assembly against any NATO military incursion into Pakistan. Maulana Fazlur Rahman threatened that North Waziristan would be made a graveyard for US forces if they dared enter the tribal region in pursuit of militants.
Having recently quit the PPP-led federal government that is decidedly pro-US, the JUI-F has quickly transformed into an opposition party, espousing patriotic causes and appealing to his core constituency of Islamic-minded electorate. Having enjoyed power for more than three years as part of the coalition government, Maulana Fazlur Rahman and his party will need to do more to regain credibility and one way of doing so is to tap the anti-US sentiment and promote Islamic causes.
The coordinated night-time attack by a large number of militants on five different military posts in the Safi and Baizai areas of Mohmand Agency should be a matter of great concern. because a depleted TTP cannot be expected to mount an assault of such proportions. Earlier, TTP militants in Mohmand Agency had carried out two big suicide bombings at the heavily-guarded offices of the political administration in Ekkaghund and Ghallanai towns and caused death and destruction at a scale never seen before in the area. Led by their young commander Abdul Wali, alias Omar Khalid, the Mohmand Agency militants have been attacking not only the security forces but also tribesmen who dare to oppose them or become part of pro-government lashkars and peace committees.
The matter of formation of lashkars, raising of armed volunteers belonging to a particular tribe or particular area to tackle the militants needs to be dispassionately reviewed as it has pitted people from the same community or village against each other and resulted in revenge killings leading to intractable blood feuds. The government is primarily responsible for providing protection to the life and property of citizens and it is the duty of the security forces and law-enforcement agencies to fight insurgents, criminals and others challenging the writ of the state.
The government has to make bigger effort to isolate the militants and win the hearts and minds of the people by addressing their concerns instead of arming one group to fight the other in a tribal setup that is heavily armed and radicalised and where the concept of honour and revenge is very strong. Most of the recent bombings and acts of terrorism were carried out by militants seeking revenge against those who formed lashkars and peace committees at the behest of the government.
Those at the receiving end of such attacks lack the resources to strike back as promises of help by the government largely remain unfulfilled. They also don’t possess suicide bombers who could be sent to attack the militants to avenge losses.
The mention of suicide bombers brings us to the question of whether or not the Dec 25 bombing of the Bajaur Levies checkpoint close to a World Food Programme food distribution centre for displaced people in Khar town was carried out by a female bomber. The attack killed 47 people. All were civilians, except the three personnel of the Bajaur Levies, mostly belonging to the Salarzai area where the tribe has raised a relatively effective lashkar against the militants. The civil and military authorities in Bajaur are convinced that the suicide bomber was a young woman. They even believe she came from Swat, though one would think a Swati militant would prefer attacking a target in Swat. and not Bajaur.
If true, it could mean a change in tactics by the militants and a bigger challenge for the government as women in their all-enveloping burqas could easily breach security. The woman’s burqa, or even the chaddar used by men in winters, are perfect for the concealment of explosive devices and even suicide jackets. There aren’t enough female cops to carry out women’s body searches. The last time a female suicide bomber was mentioned was in December 2007 when a woman blew herself up near a roadside military barrier in Peshawar Cantonment.
However, intelligence agencies later concluded that she wasn’t a bomber and was carrying explosives that were blown up with a remote-control device by someone else. There have been several subsequent reports about the existence of female bombers. There should be no doubt that militants would use females to launch suicide attacks, particularly in places difficult to penetrate. Even if the Bajaur bomber wasn’t a woman, one shouldn’t rule out the possibility of female militants waiting to strike.

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A note of caution

Prime Minister Gilani’s visit to Turkey this month was strong both in symbolism and substance. He was the first Pakistani prime minister to address the joint session of the Turkish Grand National Assembly.
On the substantive side, the two countries signed 18 MOUs in the defence, health, education, IT, tourism and other sectors, after a comprehensive survey of existing relations, and agreed that the current level does not reflect the two countries’ potential for mutual trade. The annual trade turnover is only $878 million and it was agreed that it would be raised to $2 billion in the next two years, through speedy formulation of a strategic economic cooperation framework. It was also decided to encourage corporate-sector joint ventures by financing commercially viable projects through a constitutional framework of cooperation.
Relation between Turkey and Pakistan traditionally enjoy “a unique and special character,” marked by extreme affection and esteem both at the public and government levels, deeply rooted in the shared history, heritage, culture and religion.
The objective of the visit was to transform this relationship into an “enhanced 21st century partnership” in the political, security, economic and cultural domains and “build upon shared interests, maximise cooperation on mutual priorities.” It was emphasised that full range of cooperation must be implemented, “in a measurable and time-bound framework.” To ensure this, four Joint Working Groups will be established for “specific programmes and projects in (i) finance and banking (ii) trade (iii) railways and communications and (iv) energy.”
While the importance of close economic interaction cannot be discounted, the real significance of bilateral relations lies in the political and security sectors. Turkey has emerged as a key regional player and a mediator in regional disputes. The role of Turkey in bringing Pakistan and Afghanistan closer deserves special mention. Turkey has arranged four trilateral summits between the three neighbouring countries, not only to intensify cooperation to counter terrorism but promote trans-regional development, as an indispensable pillar of a comprehensive and coordinated approach to address the challenges. The tri-lateral Ankara cooperation process will be institutionalised within the framework of a parliamentary joint initiative holding meetings at four months’ intervals in Islamabad and Kabul.
The two countries are poised to take major strides in the direction of close collaboration, but Pakistan must demonstrate greater understanding to the sensitivity of the political system of Turkey.
The AKP government led by Prime Minister Erdogan since 2003 has been going through a delicate phase of determining its equation with the secular army, which has always looked suspiciously at Erdogan’s political credential, because he has been associated with two rightist parties, National Salvation Party and Welfare Party, which was declared Islamic and was banned. The Turkish army is the guardian of the secular Kemalist ideology. Religion has no role in the politics of Turkey. Erdogan was removed by the army as Mayer of Istanbul in 1999 and sentenced to four months on charges of reciting a poem which allegedly incited religious feeling. The verses read: “Mosques are our barracks, domes our helmets, minarets our bayonets, believers our soldiers.”
During the last four years, Erdogan has steered clear of any controversy and performed a diplomatic trapeze act so as not to give the army any excuse to intervene. The army moved against the government in 1960, 1971, 1980 and 1987. Both President Abdullah Gul and the prime minister have acted with great patience and prudence to avoid causing any misunderstanding regarding their adherence to Kemalist ideology.
This background is given to sound a note of caution to our government to remain alive to this delicate balance. Prime Minister Gilani’s call for “joint Pak-Turkey efforts to put the Islamic world on a journey of renaissance” in his address to the Grand National Assembly could best have been avoided.

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Budget: problems and solutions

Most economists rely on the overall budget deficit in analysing budgetary developments. But due to the way fiscal statistics are produced and manipulated in Pakistan, the reader gets confused about the real underlying fiscal situation, and the relationship between budgetary trends and the country’s economic problems.
The overall budget deficit is, of course, very large, and its containment very important, but it can be shown to be improving through statistical trickery. A close and objective analysis of various components of the budget would show that budget mismanagement is deep and continues unabated, even if temporarily overall budget deficit shows a contrary trend. It can also be established very easily that the budget is responsible for most of the macroeconomic problems of the country, including the large foreign debt, heavy debt-servicing burden, rampant inflation, loss of the international value of the currency, high interest rates and even slowdown in the rate of economic growth.
The government approach for a long time has been to first set the level of expenditure and then try to find the means to finance it. In the early years, foreign grants and concessionary loans helped the country meet its heavy defence and current civilian expenditure without much difficulty, and left some surplus for development activities. When the volume of grants declined and the terms of loans became harder, and debt servicing emerged as a major component of current expenditure by the 1980s, the government made no adjustment in its expenditure and introduced no reform in the taxation system.
Instead, it adopted the unwise route of increasing dependence on expensive foreign and heavy domestic borrowing to finance rising expenditure. This short-sighted “solution” gave birth to a long-term problem. Heavy and expensive borrowing to finance the budget began to build up debt service liabilities which became initially the second largest component of current expenditure after defence and later surpassed defence expenditure by a widening margin.
On the taxation side, reforms were not attempted in spite of the recommendations of several Taxation Commissions and experts to increase the tax base. High rates of taxation applied on a narrow tax base encouraged tax evasion and corruption and fuelled the underground economy.
Now the government cannot even meet its current expenditure from its revenue. Instead of applying a brake on unproductive expenditure, and improving tax collection to its potential, the government has been using the sales proceeds of precious national assets and external and internal borrowing to meet the gap in its revenue budget. Even an ordinary person can conclude that a household or government that finances its rising consumption expenditure by selling its assets and by resorting to relentless borrowing is heading in the wrong direction.
In addition, the government, in order to show that it is also helping the economy to develop, prepares a large programme of development expenditure without any real revenue resource at its disposal. The development programme sometimes includes wasteful, low-priority, and even consumption expenditure, and prestige projects having little relevance to economic development.
Furthermore, a lot of pilferage takes place in the implementation of development programmes through corruption. In any case, as that expenditure is financed entirely by expensive domestic and external borrowing, it results in a vicious circle of rising national debt and a widening current budget gap needing more borrowing in the absence of any commensurate tax effort. Rising expenditure, lagging tax revenue and heavy borrowing for a long time have got the country into a debt trap.
As a result of these imprudent policies, the government has now reached a stage where it has to borrow more and more, both from home and abroad, to meet the revenue deficit and finance its entire development expenditure. In the process, each year’s budget deepens the hole in which the country has fallen.
Nobody is paying much attention to finding ways to get the country out of the hole and each government leaves a deeper hole by adopting costly and unsustainable methods of financing the budget. Borrowing from the IMF to tide over balance-of-payment difficulties and avoid an external debt default only postpones the inevitable in the absence of any genuine effort to address underlying budgetary problems.
The only sustainable solution lies in a bold departure in the approach to budget making. Budget making, both at the federal and provincial levels, must be based on the fundamental principle of living within means and should start from revenue, and not from the expenditure side. The government should make a realistic estimate of the revenue it can generate at the given tax structure in a given year and then come up with taxation measures it can take to augment its revenue resources.
Simultaneously, with a major tax effort, the government should look at ways of cutting expenditure, including austerity measures in civilian current expenditure, a reduction in defence expenditure, and negotiations for restructuring of its foreign debt servicing liabilities. Through this process, revenue budget should be restructured so as to generate a rising surplus in its operations. These savings, in combination with non-debt creating grants and concessionary loans, should determine the level of development expenditure, and not the other way around.
If there is any scope of non-inflationary borrowing from the banking system to finance viable public-sector projects, that amount could be added to the size of the development budget. But non-inflationary scope for bank financing should be determined and conveyed to the government by the State Bank of Pakistan, based on its monetary policy considerations geared to keep inflation within a reasonable limit. If the State Bank of Pakistan is allowed to use that authority in practice in line with the existing law, it should then be held accountable to deliver on the inflation target.
The current approach of sale of national silver and reckless borrowing to make both ends meet is unsustainable and will lead to the collapse of the economy, further compromising the country’s sovereignty and security, and may ultimately take the country on a path that leads to a failed state. The suggested alternative approach will initially be painful, but sustainable and successful in the long run. Moreover, the country will get rid of its begging bowel, revive and restore its self-respect and begin to enter the group of sovereign and respectable developing nations.

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Most influential Pakhtun

Much is being written about Quetta these days. This wasn’t so until the end of the 20th century; the turn of the millennium seems to have brought about a cataclysmic change in the fortunes of the Quetta Valley, marked by mud-coloured dwellings and surrounded by barren mountains.
One could have spent a lifetime in the old Quetta and report little of consequence, so mundane were the pursuits of its people. Loitering all day long on Jinnah Road, peeping curiously into shops in Kandahari Bazaar and strolling on the pavements of the now forbidden military cantonment, one would run into crowds of refugees from Kandahar. But none of those turbaned gentlemen, turning their prayer beads even when dealing with financial matters, remotely looked like Hamid Karzai, the man the West, and the world, has gambled on for close to ten years.
Karzai holds a masters degree in political science from the Himachal Pradesh University in Simla, India. He has also received several honorary degrees, conferred on him by the world’s renowned universities.
His impeccable English, his elegant embroidered cassock, his polite, urbane demeanour, nothing fit into the portrait of a typical Kandahari biding his time in Quetta. This most influential of the more than 40 million Pakhtuns has spent many years of his life in Quetta. He was so obscure before the events of 2001 that the assassination of his father Abdul Ahad Karzai in Quetta in 1999 produced little reaction other than small headlines in the media.
Karzai, 53, was born in Karz in Kandahar province in the Popalzai tribe. From his stint as a small-time CIA agent after the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and the resistant movement to his becoming president of Afghanistan, Karzai has risen phenomenally on the world scene.
Earlier, he is said to have accompanied the first band of Mujahideen leaders to Afghanistan in 1992 and later, in 2001, participated in Operation Enduring Freedom that led to the ouster of the Taliban. Karzai won both the 2004 and 2009 presidential elections, whose conduct, was each time widely disputed, and not only by his rivals from other ethnic groups.
The allegations of massive fraud in the second election were corroborated by the United Nations and other independent agencies. But he remains unruffled, weathering one storm after another. The many allegations against him, including involvement in corruption, nepotism and wheeling and dealings with drug traffickers, have done little to unsettle the Afghan president. In a BBC interview, he merely laughed off quite serious references to his mental state characterised by manic depression in Bob Woodward’s Obama’s Wars.
Karzai’s stance on the disclosures made by Wikileaks is equally stupefying. One cable attributed to US ambassador in Afghanistan Karl Eikenberry describes Karzai as a “paranoid and weak individual unfamiliar with the basics of nation-building and overly self-conscious that his time in the spotlight of glowing reviews from the international community has passed.” This perhaps could be one of the most perfect portraits of the Afghan president ever drawn, and true to a word.
Hamid Karzai is the first Pakhtun ever to have drawn so much attention around the world. His glorification by the Western media in particular could be favourably compared to that of Gorbachev in the last days of the Soviet Empire.
No other Pakhtun has enjoyed such glitz and glamour on the international scene. It isn’t that no other Pakhtun in the long history of this ethnic group didn’t make more enduring contributions. The two 17th century Pashtun poets Khushhal Khan Khattak and Rehman Baba have left behind unrivalled works of outstanding value contained in their works. But the masterpieces are gathering dust in libraries as Pakhtuns have failed to spread the great message of Khushhal Khan Khattack and Rehman Baba. The fame of Abdul Ghaffar Khan, the Red Shirt leader of Charsadda, was confined only to the Subcontinent and Afghanistan, whereas Zahir Shah, though far higher in stature than Karzai, was known to be the king of a country that in the outside world was known only for its desolation.
Karzai’s Afghanistan is the playfield of the world’s deadliest game thus far. And yet he has failed to rise to the occasion. Unrestrained temptation to receive media glare has also brought out the worst in him. In a 2008 interview, he famously blurted out: “If I am called a puppet because we are grateful to America, then let that be my nickname.” In a ludicrous response to the Wikileaks disclosures he said, “both Afghanistan and Pakistan should guard against such conspiracies.”
One of Karzai’s brothers is one of the leading lights of Kandahar and is busy blotting the family name because of his actions and conduct. His five siblings—four brothers and a sister—are restaurateurs in the US, and this is probably where the president is destined to end up, considering his track record.
Karzai has let down his people, and that is the reason why the disgruntled Afghans are still singing such poignant songs:
che mo zakhmuna lag takor kri dase sok ghwaru mung
che mo ratol pa yo kor kri dase sok ghwaru mung
(We need a messiah to heal our wounds; we need a leader to bring us all to one platform.)
Pakhtuns had liberally invested in Karzai and the president of Afghanistan owes them an answer to this question: why did he fail to introduce them to the world as upright nation-builders?

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False hopes about the Chinese visit

Some would call it double dealing or hypocrisy, but let’s just call it pretending. That way it becomes less emotive and more palatable. Why do we pretend as much as we do when in the end we end up fooling no one but ourselves? Worse, the pretence of yesterday becomes the facts of the next day when those acting the charade are not around to confirm that what was being reported as genuine was merely posturing, and actually a hoax. It’s important because if the past never really happened, how can it form the basis of formulating present policy? After all, the past is not just a package that you can lay away, and, besides, if we do not really know the past, how can we understand the present?
Consider the very, very recent past and the hoax perpetrated by this government about the $35 billion worth of MOUs concluded during the visit of the Chinese prime minister last week. A businessman summoned from Karachi tells a hilarious story of how he and some other businessman were rushed to Islamabad and made to conclude an agreement, the subject of which he has only a faint idea, but enough to know that it was as doable as walking on water.
Half of the so-called $35-billion deals are about more than doubling our annual trade with China. That’s not only ambitious but absurdly unrealistic. Actually, it’s impossible in our present circumstances when factories are closing due to power shortages and the costs of production have soared. Nor do we have a sufficient selection of items of interest to China. There are just so many carpets, leather goods, surgical instruments and footballs that the Chinese require or can kick around; and their textile products are cheaper. In any case, two-thirds of our bilateral trade is made up of Chinese exports to Pakistan and there is nothing to suggest that this imbalance will change in our favour.
The other half of the $35 billion concerns Chinese investments in infrastructure, and given the instability in the country these are not likely to be invested soon, if at all. The Chinese know our internal situation better than other foreign investors having been exposed to its dangers more than others. In other words, it was a disservice to our profound friendship with China to knowingly set unrealistic targets, raise bogus hopes and make pious commitments.
I recall a similar situation in 1995. Benazir Bhutto had sent Mr Zardari to South Korea at the head of a business delegation and he had returned with a sheaf of MOUs amounting to several billion dollars. BB was pleased at her husband’s success and proud of what he had achieved. Our ambassador to South Korea had sent the inevitably glowing report on the “success” of the visit which was essentially an exercise in self-praise, as he was the one responsible for organising it. Sensing my silence as a sign that I did not share her enthusiasm at the outcome, BB asked, “Isn’t it great?”
“Well, let’s put it this way, Prime Minister,” I replied. “If even 1 per cent of the agreements concluded actually happen, that will be exactly 100 per cent more than what I expect.” She gave a wry smile and we heard no more of the MOUs, although later she remembered to give the ambassador an out of turn, and thoroughly undeserved, promotion.
It is a pity that we had to go through the charade last week merely to show that our relations with China are as warm as we pretend they are. Actually, they are not only warm, but hot and glowing, but for reasons that are rooted in the national interests of both. The fake MOUs were not necessary; as usual we overdid the pretence.
You don’t have to be an economic expert to know that one of the principal tasks of a government is to make it harder for the rich to get richer, while keeping the poor from getting poorer. Instead, this policy has been stood on its head in Pakistan and implemented with such gusto that in some car showrooms Land Cruisers are in greater demand than smaller cars. As the people sink into penury wedding receptions grow more lavish and suicides more common. A local vendor recalled the story of the father with his son in his arms threatening to jump off a roof. When told that suicide is illegal and forbidden, he cried out, “Then why does He not feed us?” and jumped.
Another show of pretence-in-the-making is the supposed satisfaction by all the players on the Pakistani domestic scene that democracy is working and that, left to find its way through the shoals, it will eventually reach its destination, battered and bruised but somehow intact. In fact, the opposite is true. Democracy is not working. From the corruption index, to crime, to bad governance, everything has gone up. What has gone down, actually plummeted, is the morale and hope of the people, faith in their leaders and, more recently and alarmingly, a belief in the continued existence of this country. Sadly, the present system is not working; it’s floundering, although no one is certain what will work.
Some disagree with such a pessimistic depiction of the state we are in and recall the adage that “hope springs eternal in the human breast.” But that’s hardly a good thing. “He who lives on hope will die fasting” is what many here have come to believe. In Pakistan today the tantalising properties of hope have no appeal. It’s not a case of viewing the glass being half empty or half full. We don’t even have a glass. Moreover, in the end hope must be satisfied to become worthwhile, and that’s doesn’t look like happening here, and few believe that it ever will.
The purpose is not to convey an “all is lost” message, but rather to shed the lies and shibboleths by which governments have operated thus far and which have proved so harmful and self-deluding. To bring about the change that is so needed, we have to confess what is wrong and bad in us, to ourselves, rather than hide them in the hope of earning cheap plaudits. When all is said and done, we owe our friends, and ourselves, the truth.

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Dec 27, 2010

Unhappy Afridi calls for improvement

AUCKLAND: Pakistan captain Shahid Afridi was not happy with his side’s Twenty20 loss to New Zealand on Boxing Day and asked his boys to show improvement in the coming matches of the series.
The tourists lost the first of three Twenty20 matches by five wickets at Eden Park on Sunday.
New Zealand raced home when chasing 144 for victory.
The side had made a good start to the innings and he felt they would be able to achieve a good target but they had been undone by hat-trick bowler Tim Southee.
“I thought he bowled really well. There were a few bad shots and Umar Akmal I think he was unlucky [given out lbw television evidence showed he hit the ball] but I think this is the right time before the World Cup and he should learn something from his mistake.
“The pitch was very good,” he said. His bowlers needed to hit specific areas more consistently and that had been borne out when New Zealand batted but he felt there should be an improvement in Tuesday’s game in Hamilton.

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England tighten noose around Australians

MELBOURNE: England seized control of the Ashes on Sunday by skittling Australia for 98, a record low for the hosts in Melbourne, and building a lead of 59 runs without loss at the close of the first day’s play in the fourth Test.
England’s seamers scythed through Australia’s top order before lunch at the Melbourne Cricket Ground, then rattled through their last six wickets for the loss of only 40 runs before tea to stun the crowd of more than 84,000.
England openers Andrew Strauss and Alastair Cook rubbed salt in the hosts’ wounds by surviving more than three hours to stumps.
Strauss was on 64 and Cook 80 at stumps, raising England’s hopes of taking the Ashes home for the first time in 24 years.
“At no point did we get carried away, even when they were six down, seven down,” paceman James Anderson said, who took 4-44 from 16 overs.
“We just kept going and did what we were trying to do, create pressure,” he added.
England need only to win in Melbourne to be the first team to retain the Ashes on Australian soil since Mike Gatting’s side in 1986/87.
Australia’s paltry total eclipsed their previous lowest of 104 against their opponents at the MCG in the inaugural match of England’s first Test tour of Australia in 1876-77. The hosts won that Test by 45 runs.
Paceman Chris Tremlett finished with 4-26 in another strong display after coming back into the side at Perth, while Tim Bresnan, who replaced Steve Finn in the side, took 2-25.
Tremlett and Bresnan removed openers Shane Watson (five) and the struggling Phillip Hughes (16) respectively.
Ricky Ponting’s woeful series with the bat continued as he was out for 10, edging Tremlett to Graeme Swann in the slips.
Mike Hussey, forced into the role of rescuer throughout the series, had his brilliant run of half-centuries ended by Anderson just before lunch, nicking to wicketkeeper Matt Prior for eight.
Anderson struck twice shortly after lunch, removing Steve Smith for six and Michael Clarke for 20, both caught behind by Prior .
Wicketkeeper Brad Haddin then was caught by Strauss at first slip, sparking England’s ecstatic “Barmy Army” into renditions of “God Save the Queen”.
Anderson’s dismissal of paceman Mitchell Johnson for a duck was England’s third without a run conceded after lunch, as Australia crashed from 77-5 to 77-8. Australia’s tail added another 21 runs, with Peter Siddle’s 11 finishing the third-highest score of the innings.
Score board
England won toss
Australia 1st innings
S R Watson c Pietersen b Tremlett 5
P J Hughes c Pietersen b Bresnan 16
*R T Ponting c Swann b Tremlett 10
M J Clarke c Prior b Anderson 20
M E K Hussey c Prior b Anderson 8
S P D Smith c Prior b Anderson 6
†B J Haddin c Strauss b Bresnan 5
M G Johnson c Prior b Anderson 0
R J Harris not out 10
P M Siddle c Prior b Tremlett 11
B W Hilfenhaus c Prior b Tremlett 0
Extras (lb 2, nb 5) 7
Total (all out; 42.5 overs) 98
Fall: 1-15, 2-37, 3-37, 4-58, 5-66, 6-77, 7-77, 8-77, 9-92, 10-98
Bowling: Anderson 16-4-44-4; Tremlett 11.5-5-26-4 (1nb); Bresnan 13-6-25-2; Swann 2-1-1-0
England 1st innings
*A J Strauss not out 64
A N Cook not out 80
Extras (b 10, w 1, nb 2) 13
Total (0 wickets; 47 overs) 157
To bat: I J L Trott, K P Pietersen, P D Collingwood, I R Bell, †M J Prior, T T Bresnan, G P Swann, J M Anderson, C T Tremlett
Bowling: Hilfenhaus 9-3-26-0; Harris 10-3-30-0; Johnson 7-0-42-0 (1nb, 1w); Siddle 10-4-13-0 (1nb); Watson 5-1-14-0; Smith 6-1-22-0
Umpires: Aleem Dar (Pakistan) and A L Hill (New Zealand). TV umpire: M Erasmus (South Africa). Match referee: R S Madugalle (Sri Lanka)

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Pakistan fall to Black Caps

AUCKLAND: Pace bowler Tim Southee bagged a five-wicket haul including a hat-trick as New Zealand comprehensively beat Pakistan by five wickets in their opening Twenty20 International on Sunday.
It was only the third hat-trick in the history of T20 internationals as a withering Southee spell put the brakes on a brisk Pakistan start from which the tourists never recovered.
Their 143 for nine was knocked off by New Zealand with 17 balls to spare and five wickets in hand, giving the Black Caps a much-needed victory after a string of 11 one-day defeats.
“After the way we’ve played in the last three-four months it’s a great start” to the Pakistan series, said stand-in captain Ross Taylor as he congratulated man-of-the-match Southee.
“Tim was outstanding.”
It was also a morale-boosting performance for new coach John Wright who was only brought in to guide the team in a major shake-up last week and was immediately confronted with the news his most senior players Daniel Vettori and Brendon McCullum were out injured.
New Zealand’s poor run appeared to be continuing when Pakistan raced to 62 for two in a rollicking first seven overs before Southee turned the game around in a whirlwind nine-ball spell in which he took five wickets for no runs.
It began with the last ball of his opening over when he had Ahmed Shehzad caught by wicketkeeper Peter McGlashan for 14.
With the second ball of his next over he seduced Younis Khan (two) with a widish delivery that was top edged to debutant Dean Brownlie in the deep.
As the ball was skied, opener Mohammad Hafeez was left to regret racing to the other end as his innings of 24 off 19 deliveries ended on the next ball which he nicked to McGlashan.
Umar Akmal was unfortunate to complete the hat-trick when given out leg before wicket on the first ball he faced as television replays indicated a thick inside edge before the ball hit the pads.
Southee rounded off his wicket-taking exploits with the second ball of his third over which Abdul Razzaq (one) steered to McGlashan and he ended his four-over spell with the impressive figures of five for 17.
Kyle Mills, who finished with three for 37 continued to keep the pressure on Pakistan who were in danger of not batting through their innings before the tail-end pair Wahab Riaz and Shoaib Akhtar piled on an unbeaten 31 in the last two overs.
But 143 was never going to be enough on an easy surface and New Zealand openers Jesse Ryder and Martin Guptill took control from the start.
They had 27 runs on the board inside two overs before Ryder (six) departed as the first of Akhtar’s three wickets.
Brownlie (five) and Scott Styris (seven) also fell cheaply to the express bowler but New Zealand always had the run rate under control.
Guptill blasted 54 from 29 balls, including four sixes and four fours, before he was run out while Taylor was 39 not out from 31 balls at the end.
Score board
New Zealand won toss
Pakistan innings
M Hafeez McGlashan b Southee 24
*Shahid Afridi c Southee b Mills 20
Ahmed Shehzad c McGlashan b Southee 14
Younis Khan c Brownlie b Southee 2
Fawad Alam c Franklin b Styris 9
†Umar Akmal lbw b Southee 0
Abdul Razzaq c McGlashan b Southee 1
Umar Gul lbw b Mills 30
Wahab Riaz not out 30
Saeed Ajmal lbw b Mills 1
Shoaib Akhtar not out 8
Extras (lb 1, w 3) 4
Total (9 wickets; 20 overs) 143
Fall: 1-37, 2-58, 3-62, 4-62, 5-62, 6-68, 7-84, 8-110, 9-112
Bowling: Franklin 2-0-12-0 (1w); Mills 4-0-37-3; Milne 4-0-46-0; Southee 4-1-18-5 (1w); Styris 4-0-18-1 (1w); McCullum 2-0-11-0
New Zealand innings
J D Ryder c Younis b Shoaib 6
M J Guptill run out 54
D G Brownlie c Umar Akmal b Shoaib 5
S B Styris b Shoaib 7
*L R P L Taylor not out 39
J E C Franklin lbw b M Hafeez 19
†P D McGlashan not out 5
Extras (b 4, lb 1, w 6) 11
Total (5 wickets; 17.1 overs) 146
Did not bat: N L McCullum, K D Mills, T G Southee, A F Milne
Fall: 1-27, 2-45, 3-55, 4-91, 5-115
Bowling: Abdul Razzaq 1-0-15-0; Shoaib Akhtar 4-0-38-3; Umar Gul 2-0-16-0 (1w); Saeed Ajmal 3.1-0-14-0; Wahab Riaz 1-0-10-0; Shahid Afridi 3-0-19-0; M Hafeez 3-0-29-1 (3w)
Reult: New Zealand won by 5 wickets
Series: New Zealand led the 3-match series 1-0
T20I debuts: D G Brownlie and A F Milne (New Zealand)
Man of the match: T G Southee (New Zealand)
Umpires: B F Bowden and B G Frost. TV umpire: C B Gaffaney. Match referee: R S Mahanama (Sri Lanka)

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Balochistan report

The winter fogs have begun to close in around the northern Punjab. Traffic on roads has been disrupted, flights are being delayed and other services affected. Several people are reported to have died in fog-related accidents. Problems linked to the weather could continue for some days yet. This of course has become the norm for much of the last decade. Larger cities, and especially Lahore, are worse affected by the smog, made up of pollutants suspended in moistened air. The factories which operate in the heart of the city despite laws to prevent this, the millions of vehicles which ply the roads and the brick kilns based on the outskirts of a rapidly expanding city, all contribute to the haze. They of course also play a part in the rising rate of respiratory disorders, skin ailments and other diseases, the rate of which has increased quite dramatically.
In the past, cities such as London and New Delhi have both confronted similar conditions. Today, smog has receded – to some degree at least – from both these capitals. It is time Lahore planned a similar strategy. There is a desperate need to introduce measures to clean up the air, both to avoid the inconvenience of fog and to prevent the health hazards that come with it. So far even the measures planned have not been successfully implemented. Rickshaws that belch out clouds of black fumes remain on the roads; the drive initiated under the previous government of chief minister Pervaiz Elahi to replace them with CNG-run vehicles did not get very far at all. Workshops which cause pollution too continue to run. The matter is not a trivial. Lahore ranks today as a city with among the worst air0quality levels in the world. Steps need to be taken to improve it and to save people from the yearly hazards posed by fog.


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Balochistan report

The recent Human Rights Watch report on Balochistan raises important questions for the state and for those who are up in arms against it in the restive province. In the resource-rich but poor province both militants and law-enforcers seem to be on the loose to fight each other till complete destruction. The report highlights how insecure and frightened those involved in education are in the province, especially Punjabi settlers. Twenty-two teachers were killed between January 2008 and October 2010, and on account of threats of attacks on educational institutions from militant groups – both nationalists and religious – government schools were open for only 120 days in 2009, compared with around 220 days in the rest of Pakistan. Since 2008, over 200 teachers have had themselves transferred to safer locations and 200 of the remaining have applied for transfer.
The report, which has been termed biased and one-sided by Baloch nationalist leaders, claims that the Baloch Liberation Army (BLA) and other militant outfits have threatened to bomb schools and colleges if they do not stop teaching Pakistani history, flying the national flag and asking the students to sing Pakistan’s national anthem. Although Baloch nationalist groups have reacted furiously to this report, saying it gives Pakistan’s official version, the BLA and other such groups have not denied that they attacked or killed teachers in the province. Mehran Baloch, Nawab Khair Bakhsh Marri’s youngest, son and Baloch representative to the United Nations Human Rights Council, has accused HRW of political expediency, saying the authors of the report relied on information supplied by the office of Interior Minister Rehman Malik. Other Baloch leaders insist that killing of Punjabi teachers is hardly the only issue in Balochistan, where they claim thousands of Baloch civilians have either been abducted or killed by Pakistan’s security forces. There is no denying the fact that injustices have been done to the Baloch people in the past and are continuing to take place. But that in no way justifies the killing of teachers or anyone because they speak a different language. In the case of Professor Nazima Talib, an assistant professor of the Balochistan University, the BLA not only claimed responsibility for her killing, it justified the act by saying that it was in retaliation to the “genocide” of the Baloch people. However, this is unacceptable even under Baloch tribal ethics which provide that no individual – who is not guilty of an assault on you or your family – must be harmed. The government too should handle the Baloch issue with maturity and seriousness as “disappearances” and killing of political workers by persons allegedly linked to security forces are fuelling anger and frustration among the people of the province.

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A terrible forecast

We do not know what the prime minister has made of the grim briefing, delivered behind closed doors by Finance Minister Dr Abdul Hafeez Shaikh and his team. But we do hope it has made the chief executive sit up and consider the gravity of the situation. Mr Yousuf Raza Gilani was told at the meeting that the fiscal deficit could soar to 7.5 per cent of GDP, against the targeted 4.7 per cent, by June 30 next year unless urgent measures are taken. With the RGST rejected, the problem for the government is that it does not seem to quite know what these measures should be. There has been agreement at the meeting to try and revive the RGST, but realistically speaking there seems to be only the most limited prospect of other parties changing their stance on this issue, given the wave of inflation it would inflict on common people.
The problem of course is that the government has been doing little to put in place the tight fiscal discipline demanded of it. Borrowing from the State Bank has continued, despite the IMF prescription that this drop to zero per cent. The austerity which would be required for this to happen seems to be something the government is unwilling to impose on itself. Perhaps the tough talking from the finance minister, who warned that if the government did not meet the challenges the entire finance team would quit rather than take the blame for economic failure, will make people in government wake up. At any rate, the finance minister was wise to present the full picture, however ugly it may be, before the prime minister and to warn him that any pull-out from the IMF agreement is not a realistic option. The question of course is what the government will do, and whether or not it can find a way to check the current slide towards economic disaster. The finance team has made it clear it cannot halt this slide alone. The prime minister’s actions are urgently awaited.

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Indispensable element

Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao’s visit to Pakistan earlier this month was his second trip to Pakistan - the earlier one took place in April 2005 - and the first by a top Chinese leader since that of President Hu Jintao in November 2006. Unlike other major world leaders who have been visiting India this year but have shied away from combining their trip to that country with one to Pakistan, Wen arrived in Islamabad directly from a visit to India. The Chinese also pointedly kept the duration of Wen’s visits to the two countries the same: two days in both Pakistan and India. While Obama - not to speak of lesser Western personages like Cameron and Sarkozy - avoided Pakistan to underline the de-hyphenation of relations with the two South Asian countries and the wish to “make” India a global power, the main purpose of Wen’s visit to Pakistan was to reassure Pakistan - and demonstrate, not just to India -, that its warming ties with India will not be at Pakistan’s expense, that the importance that Beijing attaches to its strategic partnership with Pakistan remains intact and that its interest in developing political, economic and military ties with Islamabad is undiminished.
This message was reciprocated by Pakistan in an extraordinarily warm reception accorded to the Chinese leader. The highlight of the visit was Wen’s heart-warming speech to a joint session of the Parliament, the first by a Chinese leader to the assembled parliamentarians since that of President Jiang Zemin to the Senate in December 1996. (Since the National Assembly stood dissolved at that time, a joint meeting of the two houses could not be held.) The essence of Wen’s speech was summed up in its title: “Shaping the future together through thick and thin”. China and Pakistan, Wen said, are “all-weather strategic partners” and “brothers forever”; and “to cement and advance this partnership is the common strategic choice” of the two countries.
This choice has been reflected in the policies and actions of the two countries for nearly half a century. Besides extending cooperation to Pakistan in the development of roads, ports and infrastructure of strategic importance, China has brushed aside Indian protests and US objections to the supply of military hardware to Pakistan and has been cooperating with the county in the generation of nuclear power at a time when the rest of the world has maintained a discriminatory embargo. The strong strategic partnership that has existed between Pakistan and China has been and remains an indispensable element for the peace and stability of South Asia.
Earlier this year, Washington and Delhi joined hands in an effort to scuttle an agreement for the sale by China of two 300 megawatt nuclear reactors (Chashma-3 and -4) to Pakistan and the possible supply of a larger 1,000 megawatt nuclear power plant, all under IAEA safeguards. Not only are these efforts continuing, the US last week imposed a heavy fine on the Chinese subsidiary of a US firm for exporting equipment (high-performance coatings) to Chashma-2 Nuclear Power Plant which the Chinese are building in Pakistan, although this plant has the clearance of the Nuclear Suppliers Group. This could be a signal that Chinese suppliers for any future nuclear reactors in Pakistan would face similar heavy penalties.
In a briefing for reporters ahead of Wen’s South Asia tour, a senior Chinese official reaffirmed that China and Pakistan would further develop their nuclear energy cooperation. “This is restricted to the civilian nuclear sphere and conforms to the international duties assumed by both countries,” Liang Wentao, a deputy director general at the Chinese Ministry of Commerce, said. “It is entirely for peaceful purposes, and comes under the safeguards and oversight of the IAEA.” Nevertheless, during his talks with Wen in Delhi, Manmohan Singh predictably reiterated India’s concern at the supply of Chinese nuclear reactors to Pakistan.
The question of civil nuclear cooperation was not the only point concerning Pakistan that Manmohan took up with Wen. In fact questions concerning Pakistan-India and Pakistan-China relations, as well as the issue of “stapled visas” for the Kashmiris, seem to have consumed a not inconsiderable part of the talks between Wen and Manmohan and received a lot of attention in Indian media coverage.
The Indian Prime Minister forcefully took up with the Chinese Premier the issue of “terrorism emanating from Pakistani soil”. Wen expressed great sympathy for the victims of the Bombay attacks but in stark contrast to the orgy of Pakistan-bashing by Cameron and Sarkozy from Indian soil, Wen refrained from any comment that could suggest that Pakistan had harboured the perpetrators of this terrorist act or that Pakistan has been tolerating acts of terrorism from its territory. The spokesman of the Chinese Foreign Ministry suggested that Pakistan and India should deal with the question through bilateral exchanges and cooperation.
Wen probably irked the Indians further by praising Pakistan’s sacrifices and efforts to tackle the challenge of Islamic militants in his speech to the Parliament. He also called on the international community to fully recognise and support Pakistan’s efforts in its struggle against this menace. In other words, it is for the international community to “do more” to help Pakistan in its fight against militancy. It is unlikely though that Washington will heed Wen’s sound advice.
We must also be wary of the way India has been trying to narrow the scope of the Kashmir issue to a question of “stapled visas” rather than one involving the destiny of 13 million Kashmiris. Delhi asserts that this practice challenges India’s “sovereignty” over Kashmir and India’s territorial integrity. Beijing, on the contrary, has been trying to play down the significance of the question. A Chinese official reportedly said it was an administrative not a political issue. Another Chinese official said it “falls under the category of details.”
In talks with Manmohan Singh, Wen himself brought up the subject. He said he took India’s concerns seriously and suggested in-depth consultations at the official level to resolve the issue. Delhi has raised the ante by linking it to India’s support for “One China.” The Indian scheme is easy to guess: If China gives in to India’s demand, Delhi would be able to claim that Beijing has recognised occupied Kashmir as an integral part of India, something that it has not done so far.
On the question of a permanent seat for India on the Security Council, the joint statement stopped short of endorsing the Indian bid. It repeated China’s position that it attaches great importance to India’s status in international affairs as a large developing country and that China understands and supports India’s aspiration to play a greater role in the United Nations, including in the UN Security Council. But according to one Indian newspaper, Wen also told Manmohan that China would not be an obstacle to India getting a permanent seat. This indicated, the newspaper said, that a “significant gap” had been covered during Wen’s visit. The Indian Foreign Secretary has expressed the confidence that when the time comes for “the ultimate decision”, China was unlikely to stand in the way if there was a groundswell of support for India.
The report on Wen’s promise that China would not stand in the way of a permanent seat for India may or may not be true but it cannot be lightly dismissed. Even without the reminder from Delhi, our policy-makers should know that if there is overwhelming support for an Indian permanent seat, Beijing would find it politically very difficult to stop it, even if it wished to. In any case, it would be huge mistake to bank on others to do what is our job. The confidence expressed by Shah Mehmood last month that India would not get a permanent seat because of Chinese opposition falls under this category. We will have to do some heavy lifting ourselves and the sooner we start the better.
Email: asifezdi@yahoo.com

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The year turns

A chance meeting at a diplomatic event recently sharpened my perspective on the aging process. In fifteen months time I officially become ‘old’ – as in eligible to draw my old age pension in the UK.
The state pension is not a large amount these days and its real value has dwindled over the years, but I have been paying into it for all my working life and I might as well have it as not. The person I bumped into was the woman who takes care of pensions for us Brits abroad, and she reassured me that it could all be ‘sorted’ quite easily from this end and I did not have to worry about going to and fro to sign pieces of paper.
All very reassuring at one level, but slightly unsettling because it marks the approach of one of those rites of passage that we all have to experience - getting old.
You start getting old the minute you are born and it never stops. For some of us it seems to come faster than others, but for me it has been slowed by an active lifestyle that has kept me reasonably healthy and fit. As these words are typed two of my bicycles have started their journey by sea from the UK to Pakistan, and one of them, in 2012, is going to be underneath me as we both travel across Australia.
I plan on cycling across the Nullabor Desert by way of celebration of my 65th birthday, a venture that leaves many of my contemporaries both here and in England, a little askance to say the least.
But why shouldn’t I ride a bike across a desert if I want to? Or climb Everest? Or sail solo in a dustbin across the Indian Ocean? One of my friends had the temerity to ask me if ...I wasn’t too old for ‘that sort of thing’? He got an earful of finely-wrought invective for his trouble.
Age is very much about perceptions – both of others and you of yourself. My colleagues of yesteryear have mostly now retired or will do so in the next couple of years. At least three people I worked with in the 70s and 80s have died this year. Two were close friends.
I look at the lives that many of my now work-free compatriots have and think to myself that I would be bored to death in a month if I had to live like that. For me, a late change of career from social work and the aid business and into journalism and the media, has been a shot in the arm. I feel positively rejuvenated, bouncing with life and ideas and energy.
I could go on like this for years. Retirement, the life of pipe-and-slippers and a slow decline into genteel senility is not what I have planned for myself, or for those around me.
So it is that another year passes, and for me the first time I will have celebrated a ‘proper’ Christmas dinner for many a-year. I will be with friends who live close to the Bhurban hill station in a house perched on the side of a steep hill with a view to a horizon that money could never buy. We will eat and drink and doubtless get a little merry, and so it should be.
There will be tales of nostalgia perhaps, times and lives past, but there will be talk of futures still to come, of adventures still to have and places yet to see. And I must make sure I book an appointment with that pensions lady.

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From D-Day to Af-Pak

The run-up to Christmas this year has been sad and I shall defer the reason until later in this piece. Some years ago, I went to France on an official visit and, over the weekend, travelled to Normandy. I had been fascinated with The Longest Day narrative by Cornelius Ryan, and admired Henry Fonda playing deputy commander of the US 4th Army Division in the movie of the same name.
I now wanted to stand on those beaches and grasp the hugeness of the event where Gen Eisenhower, the Supreme Commander of the Allied Forces, from his headquarters in Britain had thrown across the English Channel and into the heart of Nazi Germany the biggest-ever concentration of fighting men, which changed the course of history.
I saw an elderly American couple on the beach, who would later introduce themselves to me as Ben and Jenny. From Ben’s demeanour and the way he was staring endlessly into the calm sea, it was obvious he was there on a pilgrimage of his life. Jenny, standing a few yards behind, let him have his occasional dialogue with no one in particular. The storm raging inside him was obvious and, being an emotional person myself, I knew that at times like these it is best not to hold back the surge. I edged closer and without introduction or a word of greetings, gently whispered, “Were you here that morning, sir?”
Ben broke down instantly, crying and sobbing for a long time. I was worried Jenny would be upset with my unsolicited conversation with her husband. But, with an arm around him as she constantly comforted him, she gave me a faint smile. We soon squatted on the sand Ben and narrated the events of June 6, 1944, first wave, frame by frame, just as it had happened that day.
On one occasion, and rather unwisely, I mentioned a variation in the book. And he said emphatically, “Ah, forget the book. The book man was not here, I was here that morning.” When he finished after an eternity, we got up, and he asked what I did for a living. I introduced myself as a rear admiral in the service of the Pakistani navy. He snapped his heels together, saluted and said, “Glad to meet you, Admiral,” and promptly handed me his cap as souvenir.
Ben had come prepared for the visit and took me a few hundred yards inshore where his paratrooper friend had been buried at the exact spot where he had landed after being shot dead in the air. With two generations gone by, the paratrooper had no family to remember him, nor was the present owner of the land able to physically connect with him in any manner. But the grateful French commoners had kept his grave remarkably well in memory of his ultimate sacrifice for their freedom.
Jenny told me that D-Day had been weighing on Ben heavily all his married life. Whenever she tried to draw him out, he would cocoon himself in silence. She had promised him this journey and was very happy that he finally unloaded himself emotionally on that beach after all those years.
He had seen too many of his colleagues around him fall and never quite rationalised how he survived the jaws of death. At the main war cemetery in nearby Caen, he placed a flower or two on the graves that he could connect with. Here lay young Americans in their teens, in thousands, as the perpetual silence hung in the air.
Over the years, we remained in contact with the Ben and Jenny on Christmas Eves and New Years, exchanging resumes of the year gone by. This year Jenny e-mailed me to inform that Ben had passed away peacefully in his sleep a few weeks ago. She said he had been at peace with himself and thanked me for that morning on the beach. I was too overwhelmed for words and immensely sad at his demise. May the earth rest lightly upon him. Thank you for narrating D-Day events just as they happened and, like you said, the book man could never describe them so vividly. Rest in peace.
What started with Ben’s first wave eventually brought peace and prosperity to Europe, but the end of conflict there never quite brought any respite to this region where the narrative of death and destruction is far too long for the space available here. Wars are horrible and leave deep emotional scars on human beings.
President Obama has spoken of yet another Af-Pak strategic review, which by any reckoning is unlikely to create for the planned drawdown an environment which is more favourable than that existing today, or end the war successfully for the US. The recently released National Intelligence Estimates painted a bleak picture of US efforts in the region and concluded that the war in Afghanistan cannot be won unless Pakistan roots out militants on its side of the border. We have a saying for such situations, Na nau man tel ho-ga, na Radha nachey-gi.
Richard Holbrooke, the US special envoy for Afghanistan and Pakistan whose career went back to the Vietnam era, passed away a few days ago. He was not a very popular man in Pakistan but his last words to the Pakistani surgeon against the war in Afghanistan should entitle him to a kinder spot in our hearts. It is sad we didn’t understand the man too well while he was alive.
Tailpiece: Golfers avowedly maintain that historically, all great decisions have been taken on the golf course. Gen Eisenhower, after a series of weather-related cancellations, finally took the decision on the greens to launch the invasion, despite the far-from-ideal weather, thus springing a tactical surprise on the Germans to the extent it was possible, and saved precious lives.
Can another distinguished American take a momentous leap into history and stop what has already become the Longest War in Afghanistan. This region too needs peace and prosperity. 2010 had been a year of the drone; can 2011 be the year of the peace? But does Obama, the Noble Peace Prize winner, play golf? Probably not, and that is a pity.


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Cunning and honesty

My father was headmaster in various high schools in the Central Provinces in British India. A teacher of English and mathematics, he was a graduate of the well-known Nagpur University. During his service he was posted in all major cities of the province. Wherever he was posted, there was always a nice residential bungalow for the headmaster within the high school compound. He was paid a lordly sum of Rs250 per month with free accommodation and utilities and two servants. At that time gold sold for Rs15 per tola!
There is one memorable incident from those days. As my friend Razzaq and I were discussing our education with him, he pointed to a fig tree in the courtyard on which a bulbul (nightingale) was feasting on a fig. “Look, sons,” he said. “This beautiful, innocent bird is provided with delicious fruit by the Almighty. Contrast this to a crow – the most cunning of all birds – that is destined to eat litter, rotten fruit and dead animals. The Almighty is kind to those who are simple, honest and hardworking.”
The incident came to my mind a few days ago when I saw a fascinating clip on TV of a man making a hole in the ice of a frozen lake in order to fish. This is common practice in very cold countries. When such a hole is made, it creates light and gives oxygen to the water underneath. This, in turn, attracts fish to the hole. The angler put a dead fish as bait on the hook and dropped the line down the hole. He then went to warm himself a short distance away. A crow sitting in a nearby tree watched the whole proceeding. As soon as the man had moved away from the hole, the crow flew down from his tree, approached the fishing line and proceeded to pull it up with his beak. Each time it had pulled out a short length of line, it would put a foot on it to prevent it from slipping back. Within a few minutes he had pulled up the bait and, using his beak and claws, it succeeded in taking it off the hook.
Many similar instances of intelligence in animals have been shown on TV, and one is often astonished to see their adaptability and insight, all gifts from the Almighty. However, no matter how intelligent God’s creatures may be, sooner or later they are hoodwinked by the wilier human.
But trouble starts when a man becomes too arrogant and comes under the illusion that he is smarter than the rest of his kind. Excessive cunning often becomes a curse. As the famous Persian proverb says: “Ae teziye taba, tu bar man bala shudi.”
This applies to our current situation. The moment the present rulers had cunningly manoeuvred themselves into power, they started showing their true colours. First they reneged on their solemn promises to the nation saying that pledges are neither Quranic edicts nor the sayings of the Holy Prophet (PBUH). This means that anyone can make a promise and break it where that is convenient, although the divine edict is that those who break promises and tell lies (the munafiqin) will be thrown into hell.
On Dec 11, The News carried almost a full page of Wikileaks disclosures of emails sent by the US Embassy in Islamabad to Washington. Some of them dealt with my case and showed how President Zardari and Rehman Malik, despite all promises made to me, collaborated with the US to keep me under house arrest for the rest of my life. According to these disclosures, the chief justice of the-then Islamabad High Court, Sardar M Aslam, was a stooge of the government acting on Zardari’s and Rehman Malik’s dictates. Not for nothing did we distrust his in-chamber discussions with government lawyer at which our lawyer was not allowed to be present, followed by his judgements which were in accordance with the orders he had received. It is said that he did all this to curry favour to be elevated to the Supreme Court. He did succeed in getting that promotion. But the Islamabad High Court was dissolved and all those judges illegally appointed were sent home upon the restoration of Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry. Sardar Aslam is now a non-entity. What hurts most is the fact that, although I had enabled the country to become a nuclear and missile power, I was treated like a traitor.
After the restoration of the judiciary, my able lawyer, Barrister Ali Zafar, and his father, the renowned lawyer Senator S M Zafar, decided to take the case to the Lahore High Court. It dragged on for more than a year but, despite hectic efforts and the dirty tactics played by the government lawyer, Mr Justice Ijaz Ahmad Chaudhry, who is now the chief justice of the High Court, declared my detention illegal and passed a judgement allowing me to live the rest of my life as a free, honourable citizen of Pakistan.
I would like to ask readers to ponder on what the current status of our rulers would have been had I not facilitated Pakistan’s becoming a nuclear and missile power (at the cost of a career in Europe and many sacrifices in my family life). At the time of Partition, cinemas, industrial units, big stores, property, cars, tongas, etc., belonged mainly to Hindus and Sikhs. Muslims were mainly drivers, clerks, gatekeepers, chaprasis, coachmen, milkmen, cooks, waiters, peasants, etc. Very few Muslims were well off.
It has been said that, after December 1971’s ignominious defeat and surrender in East Pakistan, the rest of the country would not have survived for more than ten or 15 years if we had not had the nuclear deterrent. Those who are now kings and viziers would then probably have been no more than barbers, drivers, peons, small shopkeepers and black-marketers. Thanks to the blessings of Allah, this country has not only survived, but has become stronger after the 1971 debacle. Many Pakistanis wonder what sins we, as a nation, have committed to invoke the wrath of Allah in the form of a succession of corrupt, incapable rulers.
At the beginning of this column I had given an example of crows. We have many parallel examples in rulers – the Shah if Iran, Marcos of the Philippines, Sani Abacha of Nigeria and, last but not least, our own commando dictator, Gen Musharraf. At one time they were all-powerful but their cunning did not stop them from becoming ignominious chapters in history. The present rulers are very proud of their manoeuvrings to stay in power, but they should not forget the Persian proverb quoted above. They will undoubtedly meet the same fate as others of their kind.

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Think ‘positively,’ and live

Poverty in Pakistan has come down, because the sale of autos in the domestic market has gone up, says the spokesperson-in-chief of the ruling Pakistan People’s Party. Only a genius could have discerned the subtle connection, hidden to ordinary mortals, between the drop in poverty level and the rise in car purchases. If nothing else, we can boast of a genius in an otherwise mediocre society.
The spokesperson also maintained that, instead of bewailing that a certain percentage of the population lived below the poverty line, we should rejoice in the fact that a part of society was well above that threshold. Again, an outstanding example of a person who can transcend the customary way of thinking to see the positive side of things – a glass half full rather than half empty – a rare virtue in a dull, pessimistic society. At a time when the country is passing through a critical phase – with terrorists on the rampage and the economy in a shambles – and public morale has nosedived, robust optimism is what the doctor orders.
In point of fact, the people’s present predicament can largely be attributed to their irredeemable habit of negative and defeatist thinking: looking, for instance, only at the debit side of the government’s balance sheet rather than its credit side, of discounting the accomplishments and counting the disillusionments, of downplaying the achievements and overplaying the failures.
Why do we point out that 30 per cent of the population is mired in abject poverty? Why don’t we say that 70 per cent of the people are out of it? Why do we allege that the overwhelming majority of politicians are corrupt and unreliable? Why don’t we admit that at least some of them are men and women of integrity and character? Why do we complain about the large-scale unemployment? Why don’t we acknowledge that not all the labour force is unemployed?
What do we raise hue and cry over the fact that the galloping inflation has made life miserable for the vast majority of people? Why don’t we content ourselves with the fact that these people are still alive? Why do we bewail the absence of the rule of law in the land? Why don’t we take pride in the fact that at least there’s a popularly elected government in the country?
Why do we point out the rampant tax evasion in the economy? Why don’t we admit that sufficient revenue is collected to run the administration? Why do we maintain that most of the national institutions are in decay and decadence? Why don’t we acknowledge that some of them are still strong and vibrant?
Surely there is a strong case for optimism and positive thinking, and surely the spokesperson can serve the nation even better by writing a book on how to think positively, constructively and creatively.
The power of positive thinking apart, what can we make of the relationship between poverty and auto sales?
Since brevity is the soul of expression and the genius is a person of few words, the PPP spin doctor didn’t waste words in explaining the instant relationship. This leaves us ordinary mortals at best in a position to conjecture as to how the increase in car sales is an indicator of a drop in poverty level.
To begin with, it costs a lot to buy a car and the fact that the product’s sale is on the increase intimates that the people’s purchasing power has gone up. The purchasing power being a function of income, one can safely conclude that the income level has risen. Since an inverse relationship holds between income and poverty levels, a hike in auto sales reflects fall in poverty. Simple logic, indeed!
Another explanation can be this: a boom in car business creates jobs, and job creation is an important instrument of income generation and thus poverty alleviation. The more vibrant the auto business, the larger the number of jobs created and the greater the number of people who cross the poverty line. Again, simple logic.
Henceforth, we have an excellent indicator of the changes in the poverty index: variation in the trade volume of autos and other expensive consumer goods. If the sale of such goods is going up, the poverty index is moving downwards, and vice versa.
Some may object that expensive products such as autos are bought only by the affluent section of society and that increase in auto sales, especially at a time when the economy is in a crunch, in no way indicates that the menace called poverty is on the wane. Rather, it may be an indicator of widening income disparity. But if these people are incapable of positive and creative thinking, then the fault lies with them, and not with the ingenious ideas and their authors.

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A legend of the East

December 27 is a day of immense grief and national tragedy when Pakistan in particular and the world in general lost a leader of high stature in the person of Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto. It also conveys the message in no uncertain terms that Shaheed Benazir Bhutto continues to be the symbol of the federation of Pakistan even in her martyrdom as she was in her life.
Shaheed Benazir Bhutto’s life is a classic study of courage, commitment towards people’s welfare, and steel-like determination to accomplish the goals she set before herself. She took over the mantle of leadership of Pakistan People’s Party from her illustrious father Shaheed Zulifqar Ali Bhutto in the most trying circumstances. She then carried forward the mission of her father and braved the oppression of the dictatorial regime for eleven years with utmost courage. She continued to inspire millions and kept their hopes alive during the protracted period of dictatorship. It is the sole honour of the Pakistan People’s Party that it has its roots in every section of society, be it workers, labourers, peasants, students, lawyers, teachers, intellectuals and women. Shaheed BB led a relentless struggle for the empowerment of these sections of society, which forms the manifesto of the party.
The history of the Third World fails to offer any other example where a leader rose to such prominence and carved a role due to qualities of the head and heart. Due to her political wisdom and leadership qualities, Shaheed Benazir Bhutto made her mark in world politics. She was an embodiment of courage and endurance who did not allow her personal tragedies to stand in the way of her larger commitment towards her people.
I deem it pertinent to refer to quotes of Shaheed Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto. In her address to a seminar on the legacy of Z.A. Bhutto in April 1989, she said: “Courage and grace in the face of adversity are the hallmarks of a great leader.” In her speech at the Peshawar University in 1995, she said: “The character of men and women is shaped by their own ability to overcome adversity and not to be bent in the face of storms.”
She proved through personal example that she was a leader who practised what she preached. There is no adversity that Mohtarma did not face starting from martyrdom of her father, her brothers, threats to her life and then, to the rigours of exile and imprisonment. After every tragedy, she bounced back with renewed commitment, more vigour and determination to serve her people. I recall that Shaheed Benazir Bhutto used to say: “Turn your personal pain into your strength. You can conquer the world with this strength.”
There is a very select and rare breed of people who become immortal after their deaths. No doubt Shaheed Benazir Bhutto belongs to this category. She is the heartthrob of millions of people and continues to rule their hearts and minds even in her martyrdom. Her entire life is a role model not only for the people of Pakistan but also of the world. She was an incarnation of steadfastness, perseverance and determination. Her name would be chronicled in golden words in the annals of history. She writes in her book, “Daughter of the East”, “I did not select this life for myself. Rather this life has selected me for itself.”
History would remember Shaheed Benazir Bhutto for three things: firstly, the unwavering determination to reach out to her people; secondly, the courage to take on huge and seemingly insurmountable challenges and thirdly, the ability to forgive even her enemies.
She may not be physically with us today but her ideals and vision continue to enlighten our path. The principles and values she fought and died for remain as relevant today as they were in the past. Those values form the mainstream narrative in our fight against multiple challenges that we face today. Shaheed BB represented an idea of human liberation, empowerment of the common man and a welfare state. During her speech on the occasion of the opening ceremony of the new Supreme Court Building in May 1995, she said: “individuals can be killed but not ideas. Ideas live in the hearts and minds of men and women.”
Though there are many facets of her illustrious life, however, I would confine myself to only a few. The first and foremost is her declaration of Jihad against militancy, extremism and terrorism. She clearly warned us of this menace in our midst way back in 1994 in her keynote speech to the Seventh OIC Summit held in Casablanca. She said: “Extremism today is a challenge. A challenge we must collectively seek to understand and overcome, before it overcomes and consumes us and leaves destruction in its wake.” She knew the dangers posed to her own life due to her stance against terrorism and extremism but the well-being and future of this nation was dearer to her heart and she was ready to pay any price to safeguard Pakistan. The perpetrators of doom and gloom may have martyred an individual but they have not silenced the idea she championed and stood for. The historic emergence of national consensus against terrorism and extremism among different streaks of national opinion owes itself to the sacrifice of Shaheed Benazir Bhutto. She led the fight against the forces of darkness from the front and awakened the nation to the reality of these lethal perils. Thus by choosing martyrdom at the hands of terrorists, she has safeguarded the future of this country.
Our great country has suffered due to the politics of vendetta and revenge. As a result of lack of consensus among different political parties on the minimum rules of the game, there has been periodic derailment of democracy and ushering in eras of the dictatorial rules with its attendant problems. Her signing of the historic Charter of Democracy along with the PML-N Chief Mian Muhammad Nawaz Sharif represented a sincere effort at changing the political culture of the country. She knew that if the nation’s wellbeing was to be ensured, it was possible through the continuation of the democratic order.
In a speech she delivered at the Port Qasim, Karachi, in August 1989, Shaheed BB said: “The politics of violence is the dire enemy of the hopes, the dreams and the ambitions of our people.” Thus she founded the tradition of politics of reconciliation and harmony. She believed that the common man’s well-being lay in the continuation of democracy and the establishment of good governance. She said in a speech at the then National Defence College: “The basic elements which define my vision of Pakistan are: a modern, enlightened, social democracy based on federalism and parliamentary form of government.”
Guided by the vision of Shaheed Benazir Bhutto, the present democratic government has undertaken critical reforms in different walks of our national life. In a short span of two and half years, we have travelled a distance of miles. The focus of reforms introduced by my government remains on reorienting the direction of state policy in favour of the common man—the man in the street who is the real stakeholder. Our historic successes such as Aaghaz-e-Haqooq-e-Balochistan initiative, the adoption of the seventh NFC Award, the passage of the 18th Constitutional Amendment, Gilgit-Baltistan Self-Governance & Empowerment Act, Benazir Income Support Programme, different initiatives for empowerment of women, and successful fight against terrorism and extremism to name only a few, are dedicated to the memory and vision of our martyred leader Shaheed Benazir Bhutto. In our struggle to accomplish these Herculean tasks, my coalition government and I myself have been guided by the politics of reconciliation and harmony originally espoused by our Shaheed leader. History is being made in this country under the coalition government as we have successfully taken on structural issues of governance and reforms, which remained unresolved in the past.
It is merely the beginning of a journey. It is the first step which is difficult to take and thankfully we are well past the take-off stage. It is not yet time to rest on our laurels. We cannot afford to be complacent, for we have the debt of huge tasks conferred on us by our Shaheed leaders. It is our national duty to strengthen the federation of Pakistan.
Let us join one another in the spirit of reconciliation, harmony and friendship to rid the country of the grave challenges. As we march on, there may be more strenuous challenges ahead but our resolve to take them on must be greater than before. I would like to conclude with Shaheed BB’s Dream of Pakistan wherein she said: “I dream of a Pakistan where we can commit our social resources to the development of human life and not to its destruction.”
The writer is Pakistan’s Prime Minister.

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