Sarfraz to lead PCB XI against England

KARACHI: Wicketkeeper Sarfraz Ahmed will lead the Pakistan Cricket Board (PCB) XI in their three-day practice match against England in the UAE next month.
Sarfraz, who was not considered for Pakistan’s Test squad, is at the helm of a 16-man team that includes discarded Test batsman Fawad Alam, Nasir Jamshaid, pacers Mohammad Talha and Mohammad Khalil and the spin duo of Raza Hassan and Yasir Shah.
The Karachi stumper is likely to play in the four-match one-day series against England in Dubai and Abu Dhabi next February. Adnan Akmal was on Monday retained to keep the wickets in the three-Test series against England.
The three-day warm-up match will be played from January 11-13 ahead of the opening Test which begins from January 17 in Abu Dhabi. England’s Test squad will play another three-day game against an ICC Combined Associate and Affiliate XI, led by Ireland captain William Porterfield before the first Test.
PCB XI squad: Nasir Jamshaid, Afaq Rahim, Harris Sohail, Muhammad Ayub Dogar, Fawad Alam, Usman Salahuddin, Sarfraz Ahmad (wicketkeeper/captain), Raza Hassan, Muhammad Khalil, Muhammad Talha, Ali Imran Pasha, Yasir Shah.

Copyright Thenews 27.12.2011

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Pakistan face BD in Asia Cup opener

DHAKA: Hosts Bangladesh will meet Pakistan in the opening match of the four-nation Asia Cup cricket tournament starting in Dhaka in March, an official said on Monday.
Old rivals Pakistan and India will meet in a mouth-watering clash on March 18. The Sher-e-Bangla National stadium will host all the matches, including the inaugural tie on March 12 and the final on March 22, Asian Cricket Council chief executive Syed Ashraful Huq said. “All teams including India and Pakistan have confirmed their participation,” he said.
India won the last edition of the tournament in Dambulla in Sri Lanka in June 2010.
Asia Cup schedule:
March 12: Bangladesh v Pakistan
March 13: India v Sri Lanka
March 15: Pakistan v Sri Lanka
March 16: India v Bangladesh
March 18: India v Pakistan
March 20: Sri Lanka v Bangladesh
March 22: Final
March 23: Reserve day


Copyright Thenews 27.12.2011

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Riaz returns for England series

KARACHI: Left-arm pacer Wahab Riaz was on Monday recalled by national selectors to strengthen Pakistan’s pace battery for the challenging three-match Test series against world numbers ones England getting underway in Abu Dhabi from January 17.
Wahab, who hasn’t played for Pakistan since the Basseterre Test against the West Indies last May, is one of the five fast bowlers picked in the 16-man squad for the English assignment.
Also back in squad is flamboyant middle-order batsman Umar Akmal. The diminutive youngster was dropped from the Test squad after the Bulawayo Test against Zimbabwe in September after a spate of unimpressive outings.
However, a series of impressive outings in One-day Internationals which saw Umar smashing four fifties in seven outings against Sri Lanka and Bangladesh paved the path for his Test return.
The national selectors spearheaded by Mohammad Ilyas, the interim chief selector, have opted to axe former captain Shoaib Malik. The seasoned allrounder failed to justify his selection after he was recalled for the series against Zimbabwe following a one-year hiatus.
Since his return, Malik managed to score just 35 runs from six one-day appearances. During the last four months, he has also been a part of Pakistan’s Test squad but was not fielded for a single match.
Meanwhile, young pacer Junaid Khan has been brought back at the expense of Mohammad Khalil, who was a part of the touring party that swept the series in Bangladesh. Khalil, however, did not play a single match in Bangladesh.
Junaid, the left-armer who is seen as a potential match-winner, was forced to miss the tour of Bangladesh because of an abdominal injury.
Umar Gul leads the pace battery that also includes Aiaz Cheema and Mohammad Talha. The return of Wahab is expected to boost Pakistan’s firepower for the three Tests against England.
The Lahore-born player, who made a stunning Test debut in August 2010 by picking up five wickets against England in The Oval Test, was apparently sidelined because of ‘alleged association’ with match-fixers. He missed three successive series against Zimbabwe, Sri Lanka (in UAE) and Bangladesh before returning to national for the forthcoming Tests against England.
He was one of the leading performers of the recently-concluded Quaid-e-Azam Trophy with 30 wickets in six games at 24.86 for National Bank (NBP).
Senior batter Misbah-ul-Haq stays as the team’s captain, receiving a vote of confidence from the country’s cricket chiefs following a series of wins against Zimbabwe, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh.
Pakistan squad: Mohammad Hafeez, Taufeeq Umar, Imran Farhat, Azhar Ali, Younis Khan, Misbah-ul-Haq (captain), Asad Shafiq, Umar Akmal, Adnan Akmal, Umar Gul, Aizaz Cheema, Junaid Khan, Wahab Riaz, Mohammad Talha, Saeed Ajmal, Abdur Rehman.

Copyright Thenews 27.12.2011

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Electoral rolls

The foundations of any vote-based system are accurate lists of those eligible to cast their vote. The compilation and upkeep of lists of registered voters is the job of the Election Commission of Pakistan (working in conjunction with Nadra) and it seems the ECP has been slacking of late. The Supreme Court has directed the ECP to have the voters’ lists prepared by February 23, 2012, and that the lists be prepared transparently and no excuses for anything otherwise will be entertained. There are 36 million votes still unverified, and when multiple or fraudulent identities are almost a commonplace this is a matter of considerable importance. The chief justice has expressed his dissatisfaction with the way in which the process of preparation seems to be deliberately delayed.
In case of a delay in the compilation of the lists or a poll conducted wherein significant numbers of voters were able to register their votes through multiple or fraudulent identities, the validity of the entire election may be justifiably called into question. There may be difficulties in compiling lists in areas that have been flood-affected and there are also areas where active conflict precludes enumeration; but these are, relatively speaking, small. Only six districts of Sindh are flood-affected, for instance, and there is no impediment to enumeration in the rest of the province. Likewise zones of conflict are clear and again relatively small. An accurate electoral roll is key to a successful election. The fewer inconsistencies or fraudulent votes, the better the chance of us advancing down the democratic road. But if the lists are tampered with or substantially incomplete then accusations post-poll of rigging become credible.

Copyright Thenews 27.12.2011

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Tears in cabinet

There are the tears we weep and the tears we rip, both on view in Sunday’s cabinet meeting in Karachi. There was a glimpse of the back-story that prompted the unscripted outburst by Dr Firdous Ashiq Awan, the federal minister for information. She spoke of ‘hurdles’ created, by civil servants perhaps, affecting her efficiency as a minister. What those hurdles were was never detailed, but she said she needed her own team in the ministry if she was ever to perform satisfactorily. Prime Minister Gilani was somewhat taken aback at this impromptu exposure of life at the top not being the bed of roses that some might imagine. He later rejected the resignation and Firdous resumed her role with a promise that her grievances would be addressed.
Ministers come and go as do governments, but bureaucrats may be a lifetime appointment, serving under (at least in theory) several governments. The civil service is supposed to be neutral, to advise the often inexperienced ministers who they are presented with and to facilitate them in such a way as to get the best from the individual and the ministry they head up. A weak minister is easy prey for the sharks that live in the office. She is the third person to hold the post of information minister since the PPP came to power, and neither of her predecessors appeared much happier than she is. She lacks the polish and intellectual heft of Sherry Rehman who resigned on a matter of principle; and it is not difficult to see her discomfort and downright amateurish performances on talk shows and interactions with the media generally as an indicator that she may not be the best person for the job. Yet a third possibility is that Firdous’ unexpected outburst is symptomatic of the internal tears in the fabric of the PPP government itself. She may have been handed her job back for the time being, but in the background there may be a Pied Piper playing a new tune, one that may persuade Dr Firdous to dance with a different step.

Copyright Thenews 27.12.2011

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Still no answers

The fourth anniversary of Benazir Bhutto’s fateful death is being marked with all the emotion that is exhibited on the occasion. Her death changed our history; it may have changed our destiny and is perhaps one reason at least for the pitfalls we have stumbled into. Perhaps Benazir could have prevented some of this. But speculation about what could have been serves very little purpose and does not help us today. We must live with the facts – and some of these are extremely disturbing. For one, it is a true irony that even with Bhutto’s own PPP in government, even with her husband occupying the presidency and her son heading the party his grandfather founded, we are no closer than before to solving the riddle of Benazir’s murder. Indeed we seem further away and need to question why this is the case. The Scotland Yard inquiry done when Pervez Musharraf was still in power raised a few pertinent points – based essentially around the hasty washing down of the murder site – but beyond this it offered few solutions. The hugely expensive UN inquiry done under the present government at public expense said even less. This is hardly surprising given the history of past UN inquiries around the world and, beyond the cosmetic imagery, it is hard to understand why this largely meaningless exercise was conducted at all.
The commission the government set up to look into the murder has submitted a report which the PPP top brass has decided to keep a secret. Portions of the document were read out to the party’s CEC in August this year. We as citizens are none the wiser. An anti-terrorism court hearing the case in Rawalpindi continues to demand that Pervez Musharraf be produced as a witness. It does not seem likely to happen. Essentially we stand rooted at the same spot where we were in 2007. Fingers point in many directions; there is no real evidence to suggest which version is the most accurate. As is also true of so much else in our history, we may never learn the truth. This is a disturbing thought. It raises all kinds of doubts in our minds, and perhaps the most striking among these is why our current set of rulers, given their affinity to Benazir, should be quite so reluctant to uncover the truth and place it before the people. The uncertainty that persists is unsettling. A woman of as much sagacity and courage as Benazir deserved better.


Copyright Thenews 27.12.2011

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2012: challenges of strategic flux

The writer is special adviser to the Jang Group/Geo and a former envoy to the US and the UK.
At many international conferences I attended last year a number of themes emerged about the challenges and opportunities presented by a world in strategic flux. These are instructive when looking at the year ahead to identify key trends and other signposts to the future.
Five issues in particular seemed to dominate the global discourse: 1) the growing threat to the global economy posed by the financial crisis unfolding in the West since 2008; 2) a continuing shift in the world’s economic centre of gravity to Asia and China’s global ascent; 3) the closing of an era of large-scale military intervention; 4) a widening gap between global problems and institutions of global governance and 5) the Arab awakening and shifting sands of regional geopolitics.
The economic crises that many Western countries have been wrestling with for the past three years have far reaching geopolitical implications. Strained sovereign balance sheets, a wrenching process of financial deleveraging and potential economic meltdowns pose serious threats to long-term global security.
The debt crisis in some of the world’s largest economies underscores the danger of a global slowdown. The euro zone crisis has also raised the spectre of contagion.
In this backdrop, more economic turmoil can be expected in 2012. Crisis-ridden western economies will struggle to avert double dip recession. As structural problems in advanced economies including the US will take years to resolve, another challenge will be to deal with the social consequences of economic dislocation. This is already exemplified by the ‘occupy Wall Street’ protests in America and street action elsewhere.
The economic crisis that began in 2008 has accelerated the shift – already underway – in economic and political power from the West to the East. China’s ascent as the world’s second largest economy and main creditor to the biggest economy (the US) is an obvious marker of this. 2012 will further consolidate this trend, as economic power continues to shift to Asia, even if China faces the prospect of an overheating economy and inflation.
This structural transformation of the global environment has occurred in a decade in which the US remained preoccupied with the ‘security wars’ it initiated in Afghanistan and then Iraq in the wake of 9/11. Over time this confronted the US with the consequences of these protracted conflicts in the form of debilitating financial crisis due in large part to the debts contracted during this decade.
Thus the most consequential change to emerge in the past several years occurred not in the theatre of war but in the global economy. In bringing about a redistribution of global power this produced a vastly transformed strategic picture and an America diminished by military overreach and internal economic stagnation.
2012 will see more of what has been underway – the US trying to adjust to the relative diminution in its power in an increasingly multipolar world with diverse centres and sources of power. Its economic troubles will also reinforce the need to give priority to ‘nation-building’ at home. As the Obama administration acknowledged in its 2010 National Security Strategy, only by reviving the economy would Washington be able to exercise influence and leadership abroad.
In recognition of this reality and in light of the chastening experience of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, the era of large-scale military interventions may be coming to a close. The completion of the American military withdrawal from Iraq in 2011 affirmed this. The formal end to a conflict that began in 2003 came amid crumbling public support for foreign wars and sharp budget cuts – eroding any zeal for such engagements in the future.
2012 will reinforce this trend as the drawdown of “surge” forces gets underway in Afghanistan and is completed by year end ahead of the 2014 transition, when US and Nato combat forces are expected to pull out.
At several conferences there was consensus on the view that the West’s appetite for over-the-horizon military interventionism was exhausted making them less likely in the future. This was a function not just of their public’s disapproval but also of the inability to achieve desired outcomes.
The Libyan intervention in 2011 did not negate this ‘new imperative’. For from offering a template for externally aided regime-change, it underscored the constraints on the use of force. America’s reluctant, back-seat involvement, portrayed as ‘leading from behind’ reflected an unease with more military enterprises. The Libyan case showed that Nato nations did not in fact have the military, organisational, political or economic capability for effective intervention in states other than the weakest and where their regimes lacked regional support.
This does not rule out military intervention in the future. But its feasibility will rest on several risk and cost factors, calculation of a certain outcome, and only when the direct strategic interest of a major power is involved. This has implications for the ongoing US confrontation with Iran, which will remain a key issue in the coming year.
Another issue that figured prominently in the international debate last year was the growing inadequacy of existing institutions of global governance to deal with the complexity of international challenges. This means that the quest for appropriate policy responses and multilateral mechanisms will continue. In a world characterised by the decentralisation of power this will also involve finding a balance between multilateralism and minilateralism.
Impatience with the cumbersome, consensus-based multilateral process and lack of UN leadership has seen a greater resort to expedient devices especially informal ‘coalitions of the willing’. Understood as an approach that mobilises a core group of countries to solve a specific problem, minilateralism has already been utilised in the form of ad hoc groupings, commissions and contact groups including the G20 (comprising the world’s largest economies), the five plus one group on Iran, and the Quartet on the Middle East.
2012 and beyond will likely see a combination of the two approaches. But rule making by a powerful yet unrepresentative oligarchy will not offer lasting solutions if they are imposed on others with no voice in these decisions. The G20 is already seen by many as a ‘coalition of collusion’, whose legitimacy will continue to be questioned. The latest publication of the World Economic Forum, ‘Outlook on the Global Agenda 2012’, points out that “networks of actors, coalitions of like-minded but disparate forces and unexpected partnerships” may become more dominant.
The future of the ‘Arab spring’ and fate of uncertain transitions in countries undergoing popular upheaval was much debated in the preceding year. They will be key questions for 2012. The victory of Islamic parties in Tunisia and Egypt has shown that the Arab spring may well turn out to be a Muslim ‘awakening’ rather than the triumph of a secular order celebrated in early western media coverage.
The battle to determine the Arab future will intensify in 2012 with the outlook clouded by the danger of sectarian strife, civil war and disorder. The prospects for one of the most promising developments in recent Arab history also rests on their precarious economies being lifted from stagnation and on restoring social cohesion, eroded by political disruption and economic stress.
The momentous developments in the Arab world represent a global shift away from traditional balances associated with the last century. Among trends that will likely be reinforced in 2012 is the decline of America’s influence in the Middle East. From arbiter Washington became little more than a bystander in the popular protests that swept away the old order it had long supported. The task of managing the transition has fallen to the region, as it should, even if the outcome is far from clear.
With no clear leader in the world today a key question for 2012 is whether imperatives of global problem solving will yield collaboration or division in responding to emerging and enduring challenges in an environment of few certainties.

Copyright Thenews 27.12.2011

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Pack up

There is such dearth of entertainment in Pakistan that you are often left wondering on a weekend where to go to find it, especially if you have kids. In 2012, things are going to change as far as entertainment is concerned. My crystal ball reveals that 2012 will be a fun year, of which the signs are already evident.
There will be a sudden increase in the appearance of ‘shouting’ heads on the numerous talk shows on TV. And if we are lucky we might just get to witness not merely slips of the tongue and foot in the mouth but some real-life fistfights. Aahh, the small pleasures of the 180 million (not necessarily counting the few thousand more privileged among them).
The fun couldn’t wait for the dawn of the New Year, so it has already begun. It gave the people of the country something to smile about despite the tense times they saw in the Old Year. The first episode(s) occurred during the illness of our exalted leader.
As we all remember there was a constant media buzz, with politicians of all shades – and shapes and sizes – making statements 24/7 trying to outdo their colleagues in their frenzy. In this frenzy some very important politicians suffered attacks of the most common syndromes of Pakistani politics – i.e., slip of the tongue and foot in the mouth (reminds you of the bovine foot and mouth disease) to the delight of the audience, as well of the channels, which eagerly used the footage of the attacks to boost their ratings.
To the embarrassment of the government and the ruling party, one of the many revered and vocal leaders, including a great Zardari supporter, kept repeating, “Our corrupt president...”. When he wanted to say something else. Of course, we all go through the tongue-refusing-to-obey-brain syndrome now and then, so one shouldn’t lose too much sleep over it.
Another diehard, extra-vocal supporter was caught on tape saying in a comment related to Mr Z’s health that he prayed to the Almighty to give the president a good place in heaven. Oops!
He immediately applied footbrake, changed gears and ended his sentence praying for the health of the president. We all pray for the good health and long life of our dear president.
However, f the PTI retains its position as the political party to gain the fastest popularity among its voters. It had already entertained the city of Lahore and the rest of Pakistan with its historic rally. The PTI invited performers to entertain the audience in Lahore’s historic gathering.
The PTI’s Kasur gathering made as many headlines. The masses left the rally on a high note with a souvenir: thousands of people were seen fighting for the possession of the chairs used at the rally. PTI workers were also seen trying to wrestle chairs away from those trying to...steal them, shall we say?
Many believe that there are forces trying to sabotage the PTI’s sudden rise, and they could be right. However, party poopers declare that this rally was a staged event, and after the “scene” ended, the “actors” were asked to pack up!
Even “the masses” stealing chairs? But, then, chairs are what the political war in Pakistan is all about, and the president reportedly has the tallest chair in the land.
However, our rising new leader, who has long risen from the status of merely a fine sportsman tried to explain our national sport of stealing other people’s property by saying that the people of Pakistan were so frustrated with the rising inflation, the cost of food that he feared that the time was not far when people would steal chairs from other people’s homes.
I have news: people have been doing worse things than just stealing chairs, they are selling or even killing their own children, as well as committing suicide because they and their families can’t afford to live.

Copyright Thenews 27.12.2011

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Inquiries and coups

“Pakistan rejects US findings on deadly air strike” was a typical western headline on December 23, following the report on the killing of 24 Pakistani army soldiers in Mohmand on November 26. It is hardly surprising that the army’s first reaction was to state that the report was “short on facts”, if only because the Pakistani account of events was not considered in any way. The story, now, is that Pakistan refused to take part in the inquiry, and, like all skilful propaganda, the yarn has a modicum of truth.
Pakistan was informed it would not have equal status in the inquiry, so it was decided not to accept an inferior position, as Pakistanis would be excluded from the most important information. There was no question of it having equivalent representation. Can you imagine the US allowing a Pakistani brigadier to question a US air force pilot who had been involved in the Mohmand air strikes? Or having access to the record of computer exchanges? Not the remotest hope.
At the head of the inquiry was US Air Force Special Forces Brigadier General Stephen Clark whose last job involved responsibility “for preparing air force special operations forces (SOF) for missions worldwide in support of the army, navy and marine corps special operations forces and USAF counterparts.” Just the man to be objective and totally impartial about the killing of foreign soldiers by a US aircraft supporting a special mission.
Here he is speaking on December 22 about the shambles: “in the background is a series of telephone calls from Pakistani LNOs (liaison officers) to their RC – regional command element liaisons to say that their forces are under fire. There is confusion caused by this because there is a lack of precision as to where this is occurring. When asked, the general answer back was, well, you know where it is because you’re shooting at them, rather than giving a position. So again, understanding that there was no – understanding that there were border positions in the area, people trying to do the right thing and nail down specifics so they can take action caused quite a bit of confusion.” (Google ‘DOD News Briefing Gen Clark’ for the entire performance.)
In spite of most of that being gobbledegook, there is no confusion about the essential facts: there was, that night, only one series of US airstrikes along the border. They were on the Pakistani army positions in Mohmand that had detected movement in an area in which they had not been informed there was to be activity by the US forces. So the soldiers fired on what they reasonably supposed to be a Taliban incursion from Afghanistan, similar to that in October that killed two Pakistani soldiers.
If the US high command did not know exactly where their aircraft were firing, then matters have come to a sad professional pass in the most hi-tech military in the world. These aircraft know to the exact metre where they are striking. The sensible thing to have done would have been to order ‘Stop!’, and conducted some basic checks as to what was going on. It is that simple. “You know where it is because you’re shooting at them” has an inescapable logic.
Then we come to the “misunderstandings” about where the Pakistan army positions are located, and I say, from first-hand knowledge, that the denial of this by the US is not credible. I travelled in Mohmand at the beginning of November and had a comprehensive briefing by the 77 Brigade on all aspects of operations. I am satisfied that the “coalition forces” in Afghanistan know the exact location of every post of the Pakistan army along the border. Later details from Afghanistan (from an Isaf source) and Pakistan have reinforced my conviction. But there is another side to this.
The suave and articulate Brigadier General Clark was asked by a reporter: “were you saying that when the US has given....information to the Pakistanis, the US operations have been compromised?”
Clark’s reply was that “It was US or Isaf operations were believed to be compromised due to that. And again, that was not the scope of the investigation, so that was told to us as part of the atmospherics within the Isaf headquarters on down. We did not dig into that; we did not validate it. That was just indicated to us. In fact, there was an operation on October 5 in the same region where, when they went to in-fill the helicopters, they were hit with RPG fire, so that lends to their mindset as well – so, Isaf operations being compromised by sharing that information.”
This is not altogether intelligible (although “in-fill” is a wonderful construction), but what comes out, loud and clear, is that Clark didn’t “validate” the important, the vital, evidence that information concerning US operations on the border with Pakistan is not given to Pakistan.
Little wonder that the Pakistan army doesn’t trust the US military and states, correctly, that the Clark investigation is “short on facts”.
And while we’re on the subject of fairy stories, I’ll tell you that there is not going to be an army coup. Apart from the fact that Gen Kayani has made it quite clear for many years that he will not involve the army in anti-constitutional antics, he would be somewhat unwise to take over the country in the state it’s in. And all the politicians’ hysteria and media hype to the contrary is ludicrous. As Brigadier General Clark said in his comical media foray: it’s all “part of the atmospherics” that “lends to their mindset”.

Copyright Thenews 27.12.2011

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Benazir days

It was unparalleled. At age 35, when she took oath of office as elected prime minister of Pakistan, Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto scored several ‘firsts’. She became not only the first female head of Pakistan but also in the 57 member countries of the OIC. And although, then the youngest elected head of government, she had already suffered over a decade of hardships including the most personal tragic losses.
And yet, when she chaired the first cabinet meeting in the Old Presidency building in Rawalpindi, which had been Gen Zia’s office for years, she told a large gathering of stunned cabinet members and senior civil servants that despite long sufferings, she brings no rancour or vendetta to her responsibilities as prime minister of Pakistan and that she would need and welcome their support and cooperation with her government.
Indeed, she was one leader completely free from all parochial prejudices or cronyism that has often polluted the politics and governance of Pakistan even at the highest echelons of office.
She was also a blank cheque for Pakistan. She brought charisma and goodwill not only to her office but also to Pakistan. The country could – and did – encash this cheque to receive material and diplomatic support from almost any country of the world and open doors that were otherwise closed to Pakistan. This would be clear from the fact that at one time, more than three dozen invitations from heads of foreign governments to visit their countries were pending with her office – an unparalleled feat for any leader of a third world country
As the nation mourns this day in memory of her tragic assassination, I would share, in this space, some out of several instances of the services she rendered not only to democratic politics but also the governance and promotion of national interest of Pakistan. Sadly, these have not been highlighted, either because some centre-stage people were not there in her days or were not close enough to know.
That Saddam Hussein was a very difficult head of government to deal with; everyone in the world came to know in the backdrop of his wars with Iran, Kuwait and the Gulf. But Saddam Hussein had also stubbornly opposed the Pakistani stand on Kashmir and given “unwavering support” to India.
Bunkered in his presidential palace, with security paraphernalia rivalling Hollywood spy thrillers, Benazir encountered and won him over on a visit to Baghdad in July 1990. As a result of her neutralising Saddam Hussein’s opposition, the Kashmir issue was, for the first time, brought on the permanent agenda of the OIC in its Cairo meeting a month later in August 1990.
When the Concorde landed for the first and only time at Islamabad airport in February 1990, French President Francois Mitterrand led a large delegation to Pakistan. Heading our agenda for meetings between the two countries was acquisition of a nuclear power plant from France. In two rounds of negotiations, while we pushed, the French who agreed on other matters, refused to accede to our request for a nuclear power plant. On their day of departure, President Mitterrand had a one-on-one breakfast meeting with Prime Minster Benazir Bhutto and in that meeting she got him to agree to giving a 900 MW nuclear power plant to Pakistan. Later in their joint press conference, when the French president announced the nuclear power plant, even members of French delegation were completely taken aback – with the French minister telling me that they were specifically briefed by Mitterrand during the journey, not to agree to the Pakistani request for a nuclear power plant!
That power plant fell victim to the usual destructive politics of Pakistan. Even today – 20 years later – Pakistan’s total nuclear power production of 750 MWs from three plants is less than from that one single plant she had won for the country with her personal diplomacy.
Left to herself, Benazir Bhutto would do the right thing and take the right decisions, as she did on several occasions, resisting pressures from the high and mighty around her. There were also many instances where she tried to keep issues of governance segregated from unrelated influences. One example may be relevant in these times. On receiving repeated complaints about a cabinet minister, she ticked off the gentleman in a meeting telling him to remember how much sifarish he brought to bear upon her for getting a ministerial job. As complaints against him have persisted, she told him, from now on you should enjoy perks and privileges of the ministerial position, take your flag car and tour the country but not make a bigger mess by further interference with the working of the ministry.
The worst experience, however, which changed her perspectives on Pakistani politics was the no-confidence resolution tabled within less than one year of her coming to power – after a decade of hardships and tragedies. Although the move was defeated, those of us who sat through her meetings with MNAs when she was trying to seek confirmation of their support, we witnessed eye-popping experiences of politics in Pakistan. While there were many demonstrations of high points of honour and dignity in difficult situation, there were also shocking displays of low level conduct and cut-throat greed by others who thought that to be a golden opportunity to extract another pound of flesh from a beleaguered lady prime minister! With almost teary eyes, she would sometimes narrate the many favours she had already done for some of those in the latter category.
Few days back – 16th December came as a reminder of another tragedy – the fall of Dhaka. Let me end this piece by sharing the most touching moment of her visit to Bangladesh in 1989 to cement relations between the two brotherly countries. That moment came when she attended a garden party in her honour by Dhaka Municipal Corporation. As she led Pakistan’s delegation to enter the beautiful lawns of the national assembly building (old second capital) what brought tears to scores of eyes on both sides, were the words of the song the hosts had carefully chosen to play on a loudspeaker, exactly at the entry time of the Pakistani delegation: ley aaiee phir kahan par kismet hamain kahan se, yeh to wohee jagah hai guzre the hum jahan se (where has destiny brought us again, this is the same place where we used to live earlier).
Gone are those days, and the grace she displayed, but – the rat race apart – the honour code requires to stand by the right things. This tribute to her memory would not be complete without a word about her patriotism. Through thick and thin, in good times and bad, there was only one card that Benazir Bhutto played – every time and all the time – the Pakistan card.
In a no-holds-barred Pakistani politics, she held her head high with honour, dignity and courage few men have displayed. May she rest in peace.

Copyright Thenews 27.12.2011

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A dysfunctional economy

Since its inception, Pakistan’s economy has never experienced such dire straits as the one it finds itself in today. Four years of misgovernance and a weak and frivolous economic team have transformed a robust economy into a dysfunctional one. Pakistan’s economic fundamentals have been weakened to the core. Physical infrastructure has collapsed, the quality of human capital is on the decline, and most importantly, governance, especially economic governance, has been non-existent over the last four years.
The dysfunctional economy has not only brought pain and miseries for the common man but it has also threatened the country’s national security. Economic managers appear least bothered and are in fact misguiding the country’s political leadership by hiding the truth. Is this a service to the nation or to oneself?
Where do we stand today in terms of economic health? The SBP’s Annual Report has done a wonderful job by putting together the growth performance of the regional countries from 2005-11. According to the SBP, Pakistan’s economy grew at an average rate of 7.2 percent during 2005-2007. Its growth performance was only slower than China (12.7 percent) and India (9.5 percent) but it was better than Sri Lanka (6.9 percent) and Bangladesh (6.4 percent).
It has generally been argued that the food and fuel price hike of 2008 and the collapse of the world economy adversely affected Pakistan’s economy during the post-2008. The economies of Sri Lanka, India, Bangladesh and China also faced the same external shocks and yet performed far better than Pakistan. For example, Bangladesh’s economy grew at an average rate of 6.2 percent, Sri Lanka grew by 6.1 percent and India and China registered a growth of 7.7 percent and 9.7 percent, respectively as against an average growth of 2.9 percent in Pakistan.
Why was Pakistan’s growth performance not in the same league as its regional partners? The answer is simple. While economy was at the fore-front of policymaking in other countries of the region, it was never on the radar of our government. Stability and quality of the economic team in the region were responsible for their superior performance. The government in Pakistan lacked the capacity to effectively formulate and implement sound economic policies because of the weak economic team.
Investment at 13.4 percent of the GDP is the lowest since 1973-74 (37 years), writes the SBP. While the economy is not on the radar, the business environment is deteriorating, power shortages are aggravating, the government is not talking to the private sector, inappropriate monetary policies are being pursued and most importantly, a large budget deficit continues to persist with large chunks being financed by the banking system including the SBP. Hence, the sharp decline in investment was a natural outcome causing growth to decelerate, and unemployment and poverty to rise.
Another gift from the four years of economic misgovernance has been the persistence of double-digit inflation. Never in the country’s history has inflation in double digits persisted for 50 months in a row. High inflation for such a long period of time has badly affected the poor and fixed income groups. Criminal increase in support price of wheat, excessive borrowing from the SBP to finance budget deficit, sharp depreciation of exchange rate, supply disruption due to natural disaster and poor governance are responsible for the persistence of high inflation in Pakistan.
Inflation of late has slowed a bit, not because of the monetary policy but because of the reduction in weight of food items (from 40.3 percent to 34 percent) in the CPI basket.
Another hallmark performance of the economy over the last four years has been the persistence of large fiscal deficit, averaging 6.5 percent GDP. Persistence of a large deficit is reflective of the inability of the government to mobilise more resources and, at the same time, reduce or rationalise expenditure. The SBP has rightly blamed ‘the government’s inability to implement fiscal reforms, and in some cases, not even being able to secure the required legislation”.
The SBP further castigates the government by stating that “the implementation of the reformed general sales tax; the broadening of the income tax net to include agriculture and services; and the restructuring of loss-making public sector enterprises – were either delayed or not implemented”. These issues have already been highlighted in many of my columns, and the economic team of the government has probably thought that perhaps I was the only one criticising government policies. The SBP has now stated the same facts. Hence, my position has been justified.
Persistence of large budget deficit along with sharp depreciation of the exchange rate has caused public debt to reach an unsustainable level with attendant rise in interest payment. Increase in interest payment has constrained the government to use fiscal policy to revive economic growth.
Pakistan’s balance of payments remained in a comfortable zone in 2010-11 owing to a three-fold increase in cotton prices in the international markets. With cotton prices returning to normal, Pakistan’s current account deficit has already widened to $2.1 billion in the first five months of the fiscal year and is likely to reach $6.0 billion (2.6 percent of the GDP) by year-end. The gap is not large but the financing of this gap would be difficult given the developments on political and economic fronts within and outside the country. Pakistan will face difficulties in the current fiscal year but more so in 2012-13 and 2013-14 when it has to repay $3.094 billion and $3.439 billion, respectively to the IMF alone.
Four years of misgovernance has brought the economy to a standstill. The Railways, PIA, Pakistan Steel and OGDC have been destroyed, and there are widespread shortages of gas and electricity badly affecting industrial and commercial activities in the country. In short, Pakistan’s economy has become a dysfunctional economy with a severe threat to growth and development as well as to the national security

Copyright Thenews 27.12.2011

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Four years and a widening leadership void

Four years should be a long enough time to heal the wounds of losing a loved one, at least to some extent. But it is incredibly painful for me to think of Dec 27, 2007. Gunshots followed by a deafening blast, warm blood drenching my clothes, the terrifying sound of ambulances, our panicked journey to the hospital, the doctors’ desperate attempts to save the future of Pakistan that lay dying in front of them. “She is no more,” the doctor finally said, putting an end to our last hopes. That painful memory still haunts me in my sleep.
That was the day Pakistan lost Benazir Bhutto, Bibi to most of us – a visionary leader who headed the country’s largest political party, the Pakistan People’s Party, which is now not only withering but crumbling to pieces.
The People’s Party of the Bhuttos, those the nation once adored and revered, has long since faded into oblivion. Its journey began with Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, a man who travelled every length to make Pakistan a nation that could hold its own against the powers of the world. His noble intentions cost him his life and Pakistan lost its most loved leader.
Like her father, Benazir Bhutto for years carried forward the struggle for the fulfilment of the aspirations of the millions in Pakistan. To the country she was the people’s voice, and to me my sister and leader. “I did not choose this life, this life chose me,” said Bibi. She did not inherit the Bhutto throne as a result of a dynastical shift, but because circumstances did not leave her with another choice.
When Bibi returned to Pakistan on Oct 18, 2007, with an agenda for change, she brought new hope for its people. Her goal was to strengthen the economy and combat terrorism. She was determined to deliver this time. But destiny had something else planned for Pakistan and death stole this opportunity from Bibi. Her husband, Mr Zardari, became her successor, and the rest is history.
After Bibi, the largest party of yesteryear has been reduced to a kitchen cabinet by its current leadership and is being run like a family affair. More unfortunate is Mr President’s lack of trust in Bhutto loyalists; his insecurities and his fears are unfounded and inexplicable. The president was unanimously elected for the first time in our political history. This was a golden opportunity for Mr Zardari to serve the country and in the process burnish his own tarnished image. However, not only did he miss that opportunity but in the past three years, Mr President has made more enemies than create supporters.
Those in power in Islamabad today are under the illusion that they are not accountable for their actions because they came into power with a mandate. The PPP won the last elections on Bibi’s manifesto; the mandate was Benazir Bhutto’s, contrary to what some delusional and ignorant individuals might think.
It seems that the current government only believes in adversarial politics. Promotion of confrontation between the institutions is the present government’s guiding principle. Yet the party leaders claim they are being targeted, because anti-democracy forces in Pakistan do not wish to see democracy flourishing in the country.
Together with my party, I have struggled against the anti-democratic forces, and the present leaders’ constant “mandate-based” excuses disgust me. My question is: was the PML-N’s mandate respected when governor’s rule was imposed in Punjab? That act not only caused the PPP profound embarrassment, but also cost the nation the one thing that united its public: the joy of cricket. The visiting Sri Lankan cricket team was attacked by a terrorist group and, despite prior intelligence, the security agencies were unable to stop the attack. We are efficient in responding to Mumbai attack dossiers but miserably fail to name those responsible for this shameful attack. Worse, we have even failed to investigate Bibi’s murder, even though her own party is in government. Do we have the right to rule the country?
The politics of confrontation may be good for some individuals’ personal gains (though even that is debatable), but is disastrous for the country. The government needs to realise that there are unanswered questions in the minds of people and that describing every accusation against the leaders as “conspiracy” is doing nothing to help. Their legitimately elected government was given the mandate to rule, but it failed to fulfil that mandate because much of the leaders’ time is spent explaining their position amid a landslide of scandals, rather than on efforts to redress of the grievances of the people. And this is a country whose people have no electricity, no fuel, no gas, no food to eat and no clean water to drink. The least they could have hoped for is someone to look up to in the hope that one day these basic provisions will be granted to the less fortunate citizens of Pakistan. The poor people of this beautiful country have been hanging on to this fragile thread of hope for the past 64 years. However, their living conditions continue to deteriorate rapidly because our leaders would rather save their own seats, while increasing their ever-growing wealth and assets, than improve the lives of Pakistanis.
Does the government have any explanation for the destruction of PIA, Pakistan Railways, Wapda, the Steel Mills, NHA, NICL, PSO and other important institutions of the country? No. However, they have the audacity to belittle the esteemed institutions on the floor of the house by crying “conspiracy” and “alleged sponsors of bin Laden,” a damaging statement made by none other than the leader of the house, the prime minister himself. I hope they have realised by now the global damage this statement has caused to Pakistan. We are washing our dirty linen before the whole world, for it to sit back, watch the show and laugh at us.
There can be no greater proof of people’s lack of trust in the current political structure than the fact that some of the most loyal political workers and leaders are becoming disillusioned with their parties and joining the new emerging force, the PTI, in hopes of a better future for the country.
The PPP is rapidly losing support, and gone are the days when even a “lamppost” with the PPP’s name on it, as they say, could win a seat. The vote bank of the PPP continues to erode but the leadership seems oblivious to this fact. Perhaps, to feel the pain of this bitter reality, one needs to be emotionally attached to the party and to the Bhuttos.
Isn’t it about time for the top leaderships of the mainstream parties to look into the flaws which are costing them their most loyal workers and leaders? The legacy of the PPP cannot easily be destroyed, because the party has decades of undying love and support from the people of Pakistan. It is about time our party is institutionalised, democratised and run on its basic ideology and principles, so that the common person can relate to it. The PPP leadership definitely owes this to Garhi Khuda Bakhsh, in the name of which they have been ruling the country for the past three years.

Copyright Thenews 27.12.2011

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Ahmad removes doubts of BD tour of Pakistan

LAHORE: A senior official of the Pakistan Cricket Board (PCB) has squashed fears expressed by former captains Zaheer Abbas and Rashid Latif that the BCCI could influence the BCB to not tour Pakistan next year although the PCB has agreed to let Bangladesh field a candidate for the post of vice-president in the ICC.
“Chairmen of both Pakistan and Bangladesh cricket boards signed and issued a joint press release after talks in Dhaka in which it was outlined that Bangladesh would send its team to Pakistan next year,” chief operating officer, Subhan Ahmad said.
“Before that it will send a security delegation to Pakistan to assess the security situation and arrangements for their team.”
He pointed out that the Bangladesh board had shown great cooperation and support in realising the urgent need of Pakistan to once again host international matches.


Copyright Thenews 26.12.2011

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PCB invites Whatmore to coach team

KARACHI: Pakistan’s cricket board on Sunday said it has invited former World Cup winning Sri Lanka coach Dav Whatmore to finalise his appointment as head coach of the national team, an official said.
Pakistan cricket team is without a full time coach since former paceman Waqar Younis left the post in September citing health problems.
“We are in the process of finalising the appointment and in this regard are in discussions with Whatmore,” Pakistan Cricket Board chief operating officer Subhan Ahmed told local media on Sunday.
Whatmore is expected to reach Pakistan in second week of January, he added.
Former opening batsman Mohsin Khan has been serving as interim coach and was retained for Pakistan’s series next month against England in the United Arab Emirates.
The 57-year-old Whatmore, who played for Australia in the late 1970s and early 1980s, is regarded as one of the most successful coaches in international cricket, having guided Sri Lanka to the World Cup title in 1996.
He subsequently enjoyed a successful coaching spell with Bangladesh and is currently in charge of the Kolkata Knight Riders in the Indian Premier League.

Copyright Thenews 26.12.2011

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Pakistan complete China clean-sweep

LAHORE: Pakistan on Sunday completed a clean sweep of China in their four-match series, the first international hockey event in the troubled country since 2004.
Pakistan won the final match 2-1 to emerge unbeaten in the series after taking the first three games in Karachi and Faisalabad earlier this week by 3-0, 5-3 and 3-1.
Pakistan gained the early lead when Vice-captain Shakeel Abbasi made a field goal in the first major attack of the match.
Fareed Ahmed drew the second in the 26th minute to double the lead, while China’s lone goal came in the 33rd minute when Dong Yang dodged Pakistan’s defence in the final moments of the first half.
“The Chinese played a much improved game today. They kept us tight,” said Pakistan captain Muhammad Imran.
“We had a clear edge on them in the first two matches but they had a good come back in the last two,” he added.
Pakistan, however, gifted the series trophy to their rivals to acknowledge their support for the violence-hit country.
A campaign of Taliban and Al-Qaeda linked attacks across Pakistan, including an attack on the Sri Lankan cricket team in 2009, made Pakistan a virtual “no go” zone for international sport.
“China lost the hockey series but won the friendship series by coming to Pakistan. So, we will give this trophy to them,” Asif Bajwa, the secretary of Pakistan Hockey Federation, said at the awards ceremony.
“They have proved that there is no security threat to any foreign team in Pakistan and sport is fully protected over here,” he said.
Pakistan, which last hosted an international major hockey event seven years ago, hopes the Chinese tour will help convince other foreign teams to visit.
The country is also working to resume a bilateral hockey series with arch-rivals India, after they were suspended following the Mumbai attacks in 2008.


Copyright Thenews 26.12.2011

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The crash report

Whatever the shortcomings or criticisms of the report on the crash of the Airblue flight ED202, it is a step in the right direction as it appears to be the first time a report into a civilian air crash has been released to the public in full. The report was submitted to the Peshawar High Court by the Civil Aviation Authority (CAA) and it raises almost as many questions as it answers. At the time of the crash there was much speculation as to a possible cause, but the CAA report has seemingly ruled out any technical cause and laid the blame for the crash squarely on the shoulders of the captain of the aircraft. The doomed aircraft made a controlled flight into terrain; it did not just fall out of the sky, and on the evidence of the cockpit voice recorder there was friction between the captain and his second in command. That the captain was flying the plane at all is a matter of grave concern. He had a poor health record and had been hospitalised two months prior to the crash suffering from diabetes, hypertension and heart problems. All of this was known to his employer Airblue, who are responsible for rostering him to fly.
The rules regarding fitness to fly are clear. Standard 6.3.2.16. and Standard 6.3.2.16.1 of Annex 1 (personnel licensing) stipulate that pilots with diabetes mellitus, insulin treated or non-insulin treated, must be graded as ‘unfit’. Airblue has to answer why a man who was unfit to fly was at the controls. Further, why was he issued with a licence to fly by the CAA, who presumably makes its own medical checks before allowing anybody to pilot an aircraft? Both the CAA and Airblue appear culpable and it will be for the judicial enquiry in Peshawar to tease out the details and establish lines of responsibility and accountability. The report details a range of other deficiencies by just about every agency that had anything to do with the management of the crash site; the lack of an autopsy on flight crew, and a failure to adhere to regulations before and after the crash. What emerges already is that there is a deeply disturbing laxity within Airblue as to its duties as a passenger carrier; and this is matched by a similar laxity in licensing and regulatory bodies that are there to ensure the safety of air travel. In a climate like that accidents are going to happen. The only good news is that we know what is wrong systemically — and must make sure that it is put right at every level. No shortcuts or half measures will do.

Copyright Thenews 26.12.2011

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Imran in Karachi

After Imran Khan’s October 30 rally in Lahore, we asked the question: is Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf a jalopy or a juggernaut? As hundreds of thousands poured into the grounds opposite the Mazar-e-Quaid in Karachi on Sunday and rallied in Imran’s support, the answer to the above question has become clearer: not only has Imran’s status as a rising star in politics been cemented, his PTI will also be a force to reckon with in the coming days. After the rally in Lahore, it was said that it would be weeks before we could properly assess the impact of the rally and months before the party’s real prospects at the upcoming general elections become clear. But as the crowds came to cheer for Imran in Karachi, it could be reasonably said that the show of force and numbers in Lahore wasn’t a one-off. What we are seeing is a trend of growing support for Imran and his party. Interestingly, Imran’s speech at the Karachi rally did not have a single reference to the violent issues peculiar to Karachi. While Imran has managed to decisively challenge the PML-N in its very heartland — Lahore — will he be able to do the same with the MQM in Karachi? On the one hand, it is clear that Imran’s rally has posed a challenge to the MQM’s iron grip over Karachi and its monopoly on the Karachi vote; on the other, however, there are speculations that Imran’s rally could not have been successful without some understanding. Many are finding it peculiar that the same Imran Khan who called Altaf Hussain a terrorist and a murderer in 2007 is so soft on him now. What does this suggest? Political maturity on the part of Imran Khan and tolerance on the part of the MQM? As we know, Altaf Hussain has already congratulated Imran Khan on holding a successful rally free of the politics of allegations.
Another question arising from the rise in Imran’s political fortunes relates to the new entrants in his party. Privately, and increasingly publicly also, old PTI leaders have expressed displeasure and confusion over the continued inclusion in the party of men whose past is not exactly without controversies. Where will the problems between the old and the new lead the PTI and how will Imran Khan deal with the growing unease of PTI old-timers? Finally, the perennial question: what does Imran’s roadmap for change look like in practical, concrete terms? At the Karachi rally, just like the Lahore one, the big picture view was missing. We heard that Imran would do away with corruption in 90 days (!), computerise all land records, introduce a new labour policy, reform the civil services, strive for development in Balochistan, promote small farmers, and so on. But the question remained: exactly how will the PTI do this? It’s a million-dollar question, one that the PTI cannot be said to have answered fully. But it would also be unfair to expect that he will decide and disclose everything while his party is in the mobilisation phase. Leaders grow and if collective wisdom is allowed to prevail, they can grow and deliver faster.

Copyright Thenews 26.12.2011

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Finally, it’s official. The government and the army are on a potentially suicidal collision course. Gilani made two fiery speeches last Thursday declaring that he would not allow the army to form “a state within a state”. He also spoke of conspiracies to pack up the elected government. Gilani’s tirade was followed by a Reuters story that evening in which “military sources” were quoted as saying that the army is fed up with Zardari and wants him out of office but through legal means. The military spokesman declined to comment, confirming by implication that the report was correct.
Gilani asserted that the government’s differences with the army are over the question of civilian control over the military. This is not true. Not even the military leadership today disputes the principle of civilian supremacy.
The real cause of the present tensions between the government and the army is the PPP leadership’s unwillingness to allow an independent and impartial investigation into Memogate. The reason is simple: Zardari is afraid that such an inquiry might reveal his fingerprints on the memo. Therefore, Zardari and co. would like to leave the matter solely to the Parliamentary Committee on National Security, where the ruling coalition enjoys a majority and would be able to vote down any adverse findings and conclusions.
The government has another fresh worry. If the Abbottabad Commission comes to the finding that the raid that killed Osama last May was facilitated by the liberal issuance of visas to American spies in Pakistan, further questions would be raised in the public mind about the government’s willingness to stand up to Washington on vital questions of national security.
Zardari and his camp have not only raised a false alarm about military intervention, they have also been targeting the Supreme Court. Zardari is not even sure of American support any longer. After having served US interests loyally for more than three years, he is heartbroken at the thought that even Washington might be considering dumping him.
The fact is that it is not democracy but Zardari’s political survival which is under threat. And the threat comes not from any machinations and intrigues by the military but from the government’s own lack of performance, economic mismanagement, corruption, poor governance and now, to top it all, what looks like its willingness to compromise national security and the country’s nuclear deterrent in order to remain in favour in Washington.
In a meeting with journalists on December 17, Gilani reportedly branded Mansoor Ijaz as a “total liar”. Ijaz should not be believed, Gilani said, because he was not even a Pakistani but a stranger, a farangi and a “nobody”. One might ask Gilani that if Ijaz is all that, then why did Benazir remain in touch with him during her years in exile, why did Zardari have a meeting with him in May 2009, and why did Haqqani consort with such a person?
The question whether it is Ijaz or Haqqani who has been lying can only be determined in an impartial inquiry, which has not even begun as yet. Haqqani’s denial of having “written”, “authored” or “drafted” the memo brings to mind Bill Clinton’s famous statement that he had not had “sexual relations” with Monika Lewinsky. It all depends on how you define “sexual relations” – or in Haqqani’s case, how you define “writing”, “authoring” or “drafting”. If it means putting pen on paper, Haqqani did not write the memo. But that is not what Ijaz has alleged. According to him, the message was dictated to him by Haqqani and its content originated entirely from him.
Ijaz has also released loads of purported BlackBerry messenger exchanges with Haqqani in support of his assertions. Haqqani has not produced any evidence to disprove that he exchanged those messages.
And speaking of farangis, isn’t James Jones one too? Yet, Gilani has so much faith in this particular farangi that after Jones submitted his affidavit in the memo case, our prime minister demanded that the matter should now come to an end. Otherwise, he said, the Americans would start wondering how little political sense (shaur) the Pakistani people have.
Gilani need not worry, at least not as far as Jones is concerned. Jones has already made known what he thinks of the Pakistanis. In the same interview in which he admitted having sent the memo to Mullen, Jones also said Pakistan was a “country hell-bent on self-destruction.” There was “no logic” to what its senior leadership, civilian and military, did, especially their unwillingness to take advantage of the generous opportunities presented by Washington. Jones no doubt included Gilani among the civilian leaders who behaved so illogically.
Yet, Gilani is very generous to Jones and unquestioningly accepts his claim, made without producing any evidence from the record of his phone calls, that Ijaz had called him a few days before May 9, the date on which, according to Ijaz, Haqqani first contacted him in connection with the memo.
But nothing better exemplifies the PPP leadership’s twisted logic than the eagerness with which it has jumped at the passing mention by Ijaz in one of his BBM exchanges with Haqqani of a report attributed to a senior US intelligence source that the ISI head “asked for and received permission from senior Arab leaders to sack Zardari.”
This piece of “intelligence”, given by Ijaz “for what it is worth” – a phrase which the Oxford Dictionary defines as meaning that it was given without a guarantee of its truth – was made the stuff for a sensational blog in a British daily on an ISI “plot” to involve foreign countries in Pakistan’s domestic power struggles and then included by the government, without any attempt at prior verification, in its reply to the Supreme Court. Even after the army has clarified that Pasha did not meet any Arab leader on the dates in question, the government has not had the honesty to correct itself.
Gilani’s verbal assault on the army leadership was an act of desperation to prevent an impartial inquiry into Memogate. It has recklessly pushed Pakistan near the precipice by adding a first class crisis of political-military relationship to the many security, economic and governance challenges the country is faced with.
The first priority for both the political and military leadership should now be to walk the country back from the brink. That would be easy enough if the present standoff were about the military’s subordination to the civilian government. Kayani has already declared that the army supports the democratic process and is cognisant of its constitutional obligations and responsibilities. Zardari for his part would have a chance of bringing the tension down when he speaks on December 27, on the fourth anniversary of Benazir’s assassination in his first public appearance after his recent illness. But the real problem is different. It is Memogate inquiry by the Supreme Court and that is an issue on which there is little give in the positions taken by the two sides. The very fact that Zardari is opposing the investigation suggests that he has something to hide. Kayani on the other hand was very categorical when he said that “irrespective of all other considerations, there can be no compromise on national security”.
In the meantime, Kayani has done well to squash speculation about an impending coup. But he also needs to do more. He must dissociate himself from those of his generals who have been talking of pushing Zardari from office “through legal means”. That is not the business of the military and it is a breach of their oath under the constitution. Evidently, there are still some crazy generals who harbour designs to influence the political process in the country. Those “military sources” who spoke to Reuters last Thursday about removing Zardari from the presidency should be identified by Kayani himself and held accountable.

Copyright Thenews 26.12.2011

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Year’s end

Getting a year into 600 words is not the easiest trick in the book. So I won’t. Instead, a gentle reflection on being embedded. Having lived here discontinuously for over eighteen years and continuously since October 2003 this really has become ‘home’ in every sense of the word. There is an easy familiarity about daily life, which often seems far removed from the violent and chaotic world that exists inside my television.
I have not heard a shot discharged in anger for years. Nor heard any explosions or had to wade through body parts to find my way home. There has been the Bahawalpuri version of a riot a couple of times which seems to consist of a bit of a barney for half an hour, roads blocked for a while and then everybody toddles off for chai and gossip in the bazaars. There is a steady stream of domestic murders and mutilations but no more than the national norm, and the casual brutality of honour killing from time to time.
New roads have been built; the city maintains its record as one of the cleanest I have ever visited in the entire country and with any luck there will be a tarmac surface outside my own front gate by this time next year. It is devastatingly hot in the summer and pleasantly cool in the winter and the special magnetic desert-dust attaches itself to everything no matter how tightly the windows are closed and doors shut. The generator insulates me from loadshedding and if the gas goes we can cook on a wood-fuelled earth oven in the garden. Both the orange and pomegranate trees fruited heavily this year and for the first time we have a respectable-looking flower garden.
Put like that, all sounds well – and mostly it is. But outside the bubble all is most decidedly not well. There is a palpable sense of crisis, not the always-there background rumble that never goes away, but a rising scale that tops out with a screech of extremism.
Religious minorities go in fear of their lives, perpetually looking over their shoulder, cautious in what they say, careful not to put a foot wrong. I live in an intolerant country that has a patina of civilisation overlaying seething barbarity, a viciousness that is set on a hair-trigger. There is no moderate majority and there probably never was, and what passes for ‘liberal’ in these quickly-labelled times is little more than the neo-conservatism of the drawing room. The shallow stagnant pond that is politics is host to creeping decrepitude, making this a young country that is dying of old age, the aging process accelerated by the profligacy of the kleptocracy that is currently running the shop. The putrid smell of decay is in the air, breaking through the spray of cheap perfume that is the promise of jam tomorrow but never jam today. The toxic harvest of babies is ever-abundant and crying at the dry nipple of a half-starved mother.
All of this I know. Common sense would suggest that a rapid exit would be the sensible choice, but there is the train-crash effect that is a powerful pull, the urge to linger longer, to look askance, wide-eyed and legs rooted in the dust. All of this I know but yet from here, where I sit with the water pump whirring outside my window, plates clattering in the kitchen, the last Christmas shopping expedition about to get under way – it is as far away as the moon. I just hope my personal bubble lasts through 2012. Happy New Year, Dear Reader.

Copyright Thenews 26.12.2011

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The Airblue accident report

In a historic first, the Peshawar High Court has extracted out of the authorities the Airblue Accident Report. This is a great day for aviation safety in Pakistan and the world. After 64 years of obfuscation and denial, an air accident report has actually been published in Pakistan. Those people, including Ms Marvi Memon, who was brave enough and cared enough to file a petition, and the Crash Affectee Group who kept the pressure on, have reason to feel proud of their struggle that has eventuated in unearthing the truth. They deserve to be congratulated, and so does the media for keeping the story alive. To the families I would like to say: Bravo. You have fought valiantly through your pain, and you have won. The Quran says “Allah always rewards the patient.”
The report that I have seen seems to be a truncated one, with only 38 pages. While the analysis appears to be of high quality even if it is somewhat compact, there is no read-out of the cockpit voice recorder (CVR) or the digital flight data recorder (DFDR). This should have been placed in an annexure. Nor are there any comments from the accredited representatives such as the air safety organisations of France, the BEA, or the US NTSB attached to the report. It would have been interesting to know whether they agree with the thrust of the findings of the Pakistani CAA and/or whether they interpreted some of the events differently.
As some of us had feared from the very beginning, this tragedy bore all the hallmarks of a CFIT (controlled-flight-into-terrain) accident wherein a perfectly airworthy aircraft with a qualified crew and all systems operating normally is flown into high terrain, extinguishing the lives of all souls on board. The report makes for chilling reading and will leave many readers deeply baffled. How can a pilot with a massive 26,000 hours of total flight-time experience (though only 1,000 hours in the Airblue Airbus A321), make so many mistakes of basic airmanship, such as using the wrong autopilot mode on the approach, entering erroneous waypoints into the flight management computer, and blatantly disregard all well-established procedures for a circle-to-land on Runway 12 at Islamabad airport? How could he ignore the repeated warnings from the on-board Enhanced Ground Proximity Warning System (EGPWS) of “Terrain Ahead!” and even the more chilling command to “Pull Up!”, “Pull Up!” which, in a rising crescendo, was repeated incessantly till impact? How could he ignore the pleadings of his co-pilot to “turn left” and away from the Margalla Hills? How could he ask aloud why the aircraft was not turning left when he had not given the correct command to the autopilot to do so? And how could he, at the eleventh hour, make such a hash of a “go-around” procedure which, if executed correctly, would have cleared the ridgeline with ease and allow him to make a second attempt, or divert to Lahore as some other flights had done?
It is a paradox that, despite being the most well-trained and retrained species on the planet, pilots do make fundamental mistakes and errors of judgement, with often catastrophic consequences. An air accident is always a series of events until one link in the chain breaks. To label it “Pilot Error” is not a cruel rush to judgment against those not able to defend themselves. The statistics show that “Pilot Error” is cited in some 70 percent of all air accidents, and in the case of CFIT accidents the percentage is much higher. Of course, there are always “contributory” factors, such as poor weather, inappropriate crew pairing (a very senior captain pared with a very young co-pilot which left the latter feeling intimidated), a lack of effective coordination between radar and the control tower, and so on. The report does build a credible and carefully constructed scenario of these contributory factors and the cascade of mistakes that ended tragically in a CFIT. Since ultimately the responsibility for the safe conduct of the flight rests with the aircraft commander, the buck stops with him.
The one thing that is particularly pleasing in the report is that it puts to rest all the conspiracy theories expounded in the aftermath of the accident. Reading the comments section of a Pakistani paper and the number of people endorsing them, there was near-unanimity that the aircraft had been shot down by Blackwater/Xe agents from the roof of the US Embassy in Islamabad, that it had been hijacked, or that the guns located around the restricted airspace of Kahuta went off as the aircraft breached that airspace. There was also talk of pilot suicide because, as someone suggested, he saw “foreigners” on board. Nor is there any evidence that either crew member was fasting (which would have slowed their reflexes and impaired their judgment), although, with no autopsy conducted on the cockpit crew, it is difficult to know how the report could be so emphatic about it.
This is a good report with many safety recommendations. One hopes that, as the regulatory body, the CAA will ensure that the safety recommendations are implemented fully and that CFIT accidents such as this do not happen again.

Copyright Thenews 26.12.2011

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Back pain – myths and facts

The response to Part I of this article which was published last week was quite substantial, both from within the country and abroad. There are many who suffer and I hope and believe that this information will take away some of the fears acquired from hearsay about this problem and its treatment. In many cases there is a cure from this often debilitating pain and they can lead a normal, comfortable life. However, we should always remember that, beside good treatment, it is Allah who gives us health again when we are sick. He gives us life and death and it is He who will raise us again after death.
I had read somewhere that the Pharaohs of Egypt were said never to get pain; it is only the soft-hearted who suffer! All kinds of treatments and medications failed to achieve any results. My hopes that a week or two of treatment would do the job were soon shattered. Meanwhile, Dr Riaz Hussain Dad, principal of Punjab Medical College, the chairman of the Convocation Programme, Dr Mian Farook and the graduating doctors requested me to be the chief guest at the annual convocation on Nov 26, 2011. I simply could not refuse, even more so when I heard that my dear old friend and Pakistan’s renowned psychiatrist, Dr Malik H Mubbashar, vice chancellor of the University of Health Sciences, was also attending. As there is no air travel to Faisalabad, I travelled comfortably by car, but the seven hours’ drive both ways proved too much for my back. The next day I could barely walk and immediate tests at Shifa International Hospital were suggested. Three tests were prescribed: nerve conduction study (NCS), electro-myelography (EMG) and magnetic resonance imaging (MRI). The first two were rather unpleasant, but nothing compared to the pain I already had. The large team of specialists – Prof Khaleeq uz Zaman, head of the Neurology Department and his charming wife Dr Samina Khaleeq (PIMS), Dr Ismael Khatri (Shifa), Dr Kamran Majeed, Dr Saleem Qureshi and Dr Moghees Ikram (KRL) – came to the conclusion that it was a case of prolapsed disc compressing a nerve.
Dr Khaleeq explained that God has constructed our spines with 33 bones called vertebrae, but these are not rigidly connected. Since He wants us to move our back easily, He has put flexible, soft but firm circular cushions in between these vertebrae which also act like shock absorbers (in the same way as those of a car, which absorb some of the shocks while driving over uneven roads). In this way our back is not hurt when we jump or are jolted. These cushions (which are called discs) are very flexible when we are young, but as we get older they lose some of their water content and proteins resulting in dehydration and weakness. A sudden jolt or shock, a carelessly lifted heavy weight, a long flight or a long car drive may then cause the disc(s) to rupture the covering and the consequent prolapse compresses the nerve root located immediately next to it. This kind of prolapse occurs at the lower level of the spine, known as L4 and L5, which is the most weight-bearing area. Initially the compressed nerve reacts in the form of pain, and then it becomes weak and affects the ability to walk.
After initial medication and physiotherapy fail to get rid of the severe pain, doctors normally advise MRI, NCS and EMG tests to be done. If a prolapsed disc is diagnosed, surgery is usually advised to remove the prolapsed part of the disc and relieve the pressure on the nerve. This is where complete faith in the Almighty and the skills of your surgeon are required, but the success rate is much higher than we lay people think. Any procedure requiring anaesthetics involve some risks, but we face risks every day of our lives. Once you leave your home or board a plane, one never knows what will happen. When pain becomes unbearable and one cannot lead a normal life, all options need to be weighed up. One should not delay consultation or be afraid to consult a good neurosurgeon in the case of backache and then his/her advice should be followed up. If you have a slipped or prolapsed disc, normal medications don’t help and may have undesirable side effects. High doses of pain killers like Paracetamol and Parcetamol with codine can cause constipation and patients need to drink a lot of water and/or juice with them and eat foods high in fibre. Anti-inflammatory drugs like Ibuprufen, Diclofenac, Naproxen, etc., are not supposed to be used by patients with asthma, high blood pressure, kidney problems or heart problems. Muscle relaxants like Diazepam may cause sedation and/or confusion. The only viable option is to see a neurosurgeon immediately. I did just that and, thank God, after surgery I am relieved of the unbearable pain.
I was overwhelmed by the love and affection shown after my operation and would like to take this opportunity to thank everyone. I received thousands of messages, bouquets and get-well cards and am extremely grateful to all the well-wishers. Bouquets, to name but a few persons, were received from PM Gilani, Mian Nawaz Sharif, Mr Shahbaz Sharif, Sen Pervez Rashid, Interior Minister Rehman Malik and Sen Fasih Iqbal. I was visited by Gen Mirza Aslam Baig, Gen Riaz Ahmad Chowhan, Brig Iftikhar, Mr Liaquat Baloch, Sen Haseeb Khan, Dr Masood Hameed Khan, Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain, Mushahid Hussain Syed, Sohail Ahmad (of Hasb-e Haal), federal minister Mr Ghaus Bux Mehar, former Balochistan governor Naseer Mengal and many other old friends who came to enquire after my health. In addition to all the doctors already mentioned, I am extremely grateful to the duty doctors and nursing staff at KRL Hospital (Nuzhat Rehman, Aqsa Zafar, Janasheen, Zarrin Gul, Zaitun, Shamsa, Sunaila, Ruby and many others) and the love and care shown by my wife, daughters and granddaughters. Their continued presence in hospital was a great source of comfort to me and helped me to cope with any problems that arose.
From my own experience I would advise anyone suffering from backache and who has not obtained relief from normal medication after 6 to 8 weeks: do consult a qualified orthopaedic surgeon or neurosurgeon. Have all the suggested tests performed and if the consensus is that surgery is required, have faith in Almighty Allah and in your doctor and have it done. Please never go to “magicians,” pirs or quacks. They never help and may actually harm you. It is not generally known, but many of our surgeons invoke the name of Allah before starting any operation or recite Surah Yasin, Surah Rahman, Alam Nashra or some other verse. It is a blessing from Allah to be treated in this way.

Copyright Thenews 26.12.2011

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People for peace

The Indian government’s clearance of visas for 237 Pakistanis to attend a major peace convention in Allahabad from Dec 29 to Jan 1 is a welcome step, allowing the much-delayed Eighth Joint Convention of the Pakistan-India Peoples for Peace and Democracy (PIPFPD) to finally be held.
PIPFPD is the largest people-to-people organisation between the two countries, formed in 1994 by eminent intellectuals, academics and activists from both sides. Discussions at the joint conventions revolve around issues ranging from “war, demilitarisation, peace and peace dividends,” to “democratic solution to Kashmir problem,” “democratic governance” and “religious intolerance in India and Pakistan.” “Globalisation and regional cooperation” was added at the Fifth Joint Convention in 2000 at Bangalore.
The principles laid out in the initial PIPFPD Declaration of 1994 are even more relevant today than they were then: that the “politics of confrontation between India and Pakistan has failed to achieve benefits of any kind for the people” of the two countries, and that the respective governments should honour the wishes of their people who “increasingly want genuine peace and friendship.”
Better relations, said the declaration, “will help in reducing communal and ethnic tension” and “will help the South Asian region to progress economically and socially.” The declaration urged the governments of Pakistan and India to “agree to an unconditional no-war pact immediately” and to recognise that “a democratic solution to the Kashmir dispute is essential.”
Over 200 Pakistani and Indian delegates participated in the groundbreaking First Joint Convention in New Delhi in 1995. For the first time, Indians and Pakistanis sat together to freely discuss the contentious issues of Kashmir, demilitarisation, and the politics of religious intolerance. The PIPFPD’s formulation about Kashmir is now part of public discourse: that Kashmir should not be viewed merely as a territorial dispute between India and Pakistan but as a matter of the lives and aspirations of the Kashmiri people, who must be involved in any discussion about their future.
The seven joint conventions held since, in various cities across the region and alternating between the two countries, have involved hundreds of ordinary citizens. Delegates pay for their own travel expenses, while the hosts arrange inexpensive board and lodging.
Initial delays to the Eighth Joint Convention, which was supposed to be held in Peshawar in 2007, came from Pakistan, after the Seventh Joint Convention in New Delhi in 2005. The political situation provided justifications for the denial of the necessary permission: escalation in the “war on terror,” the lawyers’ movement, the return of Benazir Bhutto and then her tragic assassination, and escalating violence in Pakistan as the new government tried to tackle the militants unambiguously.
When it became clear that trying to hold the convention in Pakistan would result in more delay, the organisers decided to move it to India. That took over a year and much negotiation. Conditions were verbally set out and apprehensions voiced about the possibility of ‘wrong speeches” being made-not just by the Pakistanis but by Indians. However, those raising the objections were unwilling to spell out their apprehensions in writing.
In the end, persistence and people pressure paid off. Several Indo-Pak events have been held over the past two years, including by Aman ki Asha. Many were initiated by Indians, contrary to the perception that “Indians don’t care about peace with Pakistan.”
Significantly, some of the most inspiring initiatives have come from Mumbai, a city still reeling from the horrific attacks of Nov 26-28, 2008, for which many Indians squarely blame Pakistan. However, many other Indians, including Mumbaikars themselves, argue that all Pakistanis should not be held responsible for the actions of a few.
An extraordinary expression of this spirit was the 50-kilometre-long “human chain for peace” formed by some 60,000 Mumbaikars on Dec 12, 2008, urging the government of India to show restraint in dealing with Pakistan – just days after the attacks that claimed 164 lives and left over 300 wounded. This hugely impressive event was overshadowed by the jingoism amplified by the media, but the Indian government did not (for several reasons) pander to those baying for action against Pakistan.
Earlier this year, students from Mumbai came up with a pioneering initiative they called “Ummeed-e-Milaap” (hope for unity), a platform for Indian and Pakistani students to connect, in over 30 colleges in Mumbai, Lahore and Karachi. Last month, a 22-member delegation of journalists from the Press Club of Mumbai travelled to Pakistan to connect with colleagues in Karachi and Hyderabad, which culminated in a joint Declaration of Cooperation.
The world is changing. The old paradigms and policies based on paranoia and hatred must give way to a realisation that it is only with cooperation with each other that India that Pakistan can fulfil their respective potentials. The Seventh Joint Convention articulated some visionary steps that the two governments can take towards this end (see www.pipfpd.org). The Allahabad Convention will take forward these demands, foremost among which is easing of the current restrictive visa regime.
We have seen what happens when thousands of cricket fans are given visas to attend matches across the border: deepening of goodwill and a reaffirmation that the people are ready for good relations and personal contacts. As the Allahabad Convention gets under way, do our governments have the political will and vision to follow the people to peace, or will they remain mired in outdated security-state paradigms?

Copyright Thenews 26.12.2011

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Zardari’s instinct for survival

Mr Asif Ali Zardari has the knack of springing surprises on friends and foes, admirers and detractors alike. His return home from Dubai after medical treatment is as dramatic as was his departure.
Down the memory lane, the entire nation was taken aback, a few insiders apart, when he announced his decision to run for the office of president in August 2008. Then, in March 2009, making a departure from his earlier stance, he agreed to reinstate the deposed members of the superior judiciary. Next, he acceded to having his enormous presidential powers curtailed by the 18th Amendment to the Constitution. Last, but not least, making a mockery of all predictions of his premature exit, he is still at the helm having seen through one crisis after another. Surely he has a remarkably strong instinct for survival.
Without taking any credit away from President Zardari’s now well established and widely acknowledged personal political skills, one may as well look for the reasons for his survival in the country’s political ethos.
As in other South Asian democracies, dynasties continue to rule the roost in Pakistan politics. If India has its Nehru dynasty (three prime ministers to-date), Bangladesh has its Mujib dynasty (two prime ministers) and Sri Lanka has had its Bandaranaike dynasty (one president and two prime ministers), we in Pakistan have our Bhutto dynasty. Z A Bhutto ruled the country first as president and civilian chief martial law administrator and then as premier. His daughter Benazir Bhutto was elected prime minister twice and was all set for a third term when she was assassinated. After her death, the party leadership effectively passed on to her husband.
Therefore, Mr Zardari didn’t have to build a party of his own. Rather, the country’s largest and most popular political party was bequeathed to him. Notwithstanding all his political acumen, it is very doubtful that Mr Zardari would have carved out a prominent place for himself on his own in Pakistani politics. Yes, he has outmanoeuvred any rival claimants to the party leadership. But above all, he owes his exalted place in the country to his deceased wife and her illustrious father.
As in an absolute monarchy or a totalitarian state-North Korea, for instance-the authority of the supreme leader in a party governed by a dynasty seldom comes under question. Normally, therefore, once a party leader, always a party leader. Ms Bhutto was elected PPP chairperson for life. Even if she weren’t formally elected, none in the party would have questioned her right to lead the party. Yes, the late Murtaza Bhutto did so. But then he was another Bhutto. By the same token, Mr Zardari will probably remain in charge of the party as long as he wants. At some point he may abdicate in favour of his son-just as kings occasionally do-but, then, that will be transfer of power within the family.
Thus, with his control of the ruling party, it hasn’t been particularly an uphill task for President Zardari to thwart attempts to unseat him. All he had to do was to keep his coalition partners from turning into opponents. His success in doing this can also be explained by looking at the country’s culture of power.
The ANP and the MQM have been the PPP’s erstwhile coalition partners. The MQM of course has parted ways with the PPP on more than one occasion, only to return to its folds after some time. Though there’s an inherent conflict between the MQM and the PPP, since they respectively represent urban and rural Sindh, the former is well aware that in order to remain in power it must go with the latter.
Had the MQM been in a position to topple the PPP government in Sindh, it would have done so a long time ago. So the party should either continue to be a PPP ally or sit in the opposition. As for the ANP, which is governing the Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa province in coalition with the PPP since March 2008, its present leadership had never tasted power before. The lure of enormous perks and privileges that power confers has been too strong for the party to even think of ditching the PPP.
Detente with the PML-Q-once termed Qatil League by none other than Mr Zardari himself for its allegedly being involved in the assassination of his wife-has been a prized scalp for the PPP. With Mr Nawaz Sharif not keen, if not unwilling, to mend fences with his estranged friends and their scion finding himself in the dock on corruption charges, from which only the PPP government could provide him a safe exit, it wasn’t much difficult for the PML-Q to figure out which way it should go.
The strong position of the PPP-led coalition in parliament has effectively closed the possibility of a change of guards through normal constitutional means. Leaving aside direct military intervention, what other means were available to effect that change? A government which is not willing to step down can be made to do so by immense public pressure. While the PPP government’s dismal performance might have provided a fertile ground for a popular movement against it, someone was needed to plough the field. And who could have done that better than the main opposition party, the PML-N.
However, the PML-N’s politics is based on fears. It apprehends that an anti-government campaign may upset the applecart of democracy, which will rule out any possibility of the party’s return to power. That is why the PML-N has been unable to come out with a definitive strategy against the rulers in Islamabad. Hence, although the charge of being a friendly opposition against the party may not be correct, it definitely hasn’t given a difficult time to the government.
As for Imran Khan, he has turned his guns against both the PPP and the PML-N. Besides, since he is building up his party, it may be a better option for him to play a waiting game than to press for early polls.
In short, with his allies behind him and his opponents divided and indecisive, Mr Zardari has been able to survive one crisis after another. A lesser mortal, of course, may have stumbled in such situations. But being a man of strong nerves he has kept his cool and played his cards well. That said, in a country remarkable for the fragility of its democratic institutions and uncertainty of its politics, the sword of Damocles always hangs over the ruler, no matter how powerful he may appear to be.
This write-up can be concluded with a question: With all his courage and craftsmanship, has Mr Zardari made Pakistan a better and safer place to live? All said and done, he should be judged not by his qualities, real or perceived, but by the manner in which he has affected the lot of the 180 million people whom he has governed.

Copyright Thenews 26.12.2011

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PAF finish 12th in football league

KARACHI: Pakistan Air Force (PAF) finished 12th out of 16 teams when they stunned Pakistan International Airlines (PIA) 2-1 in their last match of the 8th Pakistan Premier Football League held at the Jinnah Stadium in Islamabad on Saturday.
PAF ended their campaign with 31 points from 30 games. After a barren first half, PAF, playing under coach Mohammad Arshad, drew the first blood through Salahuddin in the 57th minute. But soon afterwards, PIA bounced back with an equaliser when former Habib Bank player Ishtiaq Ahmad guided a juicy cross from the left wing into the net in the 59th minute.
Both sides played with great pace, but it were PAF who took the decisive lead when Pakistan’s future prospect Mansoor Khan landed a fine goal in the 77th minute. The loss left PIA at 49 points from 29 meetings. They are yet to face former champions Army in their last match on Tuesday at the same venue.
Army need only a draw against PIA to finish at the third place behind champions KRL and Chaman’s Afghan FC. On Sunday (today), Navy will meet four-time champions WAPDA.


Copyright Thenews 25.12.2011

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Assistant coach to be Pakistani, says Zaka Ashraf

KARACHI: Pakistan Cricket Board (PCB) chairman Zaka Ashraf said on Saturday that ‘A’ list coaches in the country would be in the running to become the assistant coach and work with the foreign head coach.
“One of the top available domestic coaches will be made the assistant coach for a long term so that he can learn from the experience of the foreign coach,” he told ‘The News’.
“The assistant coach will be working for as long as the head coach wants him,” he revealed. “But the selection of the assistant coach will be the discretion of the head coach so that no bias comes in between. A foreigner will not be carrying any bias and he will look at the work and pedigree of our ‘A’ list coaches. He can pick the best to work with him. This will help us in long term and we will be in a position to appoint our coach when the foreign coach leaves.”
The chairman said he wants the national team to scale new heights and a foreign coach with an excellent pedigree can help in achieving the target. “I want to see Pakistan cricket on top of the world and we have some very good foreign coaches available. People have been saying that a coach should be from Pakistan but I think a foreigner will help our team to beat the top sides,” he said.
“The committee made to sign a foreign coach is doing its work and Dev Whatmore is the front-runner until now. He has helped Sri Lanka and Bangladesh become recognised forces so if he is signed he can take Pakistan to new heights, but nothing has been finalised,” said Ashraf, the former president of ZTBL.
He also said that the board was trying to get Jhonty Rhodes, the former South African batsman, but he had a contract with an Indian Premier League (IPL) franchise. Ashraf said that the revival of cricket relations with India would take some time. He will likely meet his Indian counterpart in the next meeting of International Cricket Council (ICC). “I was not able to meet Indian representatives recently in the Asian Cricket Council (ACC) meeting so now we are looking to meet them in the next ICC meeting to have a positive dialogue.”
Misbah-ul-Haq is approaching the end of his career and vice-captain has not been named by the PCB for the past two series to groom someone, which has raised eye-brows. When the chairman was asked what the reason was, he said: “The naming of the vice-captain could lead to divisions in the team and it would not be good. The team is doing well in Misbah’s captaincy so let him continue for as long as he can.”
The central contracts of the national players are due to expire at the end of the calendar year. The ‘A’ category players have been receiving RS250,000, ‘B’ category Rs175,000 and players in ‘C’ category Rs100,000.
Ashraf was asked if he will be giving pay-raise to national players as they have been getting the same income for past two years, he stated: “I will look into the central-contract issue and will deliberate upon it with my staff to see what we can do for the players’ betterment.”


Copyright Thenews 25.12.2011

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Aisam targets top doubles status

KARACHI: Pakistan’s most successful tennis player Aisam-ul-Haq Qureshi has said that his target is to become top ranked doubles tennis player.
“My aim is to become top doubles international player,” said Qureshi, who was the chief guest along with his wife Faha in the closing ceremony of International Tennis Championship here at Karachi Gymkhana.
Qureshi, who is currently ranked ninth in doubles international rankings, also played a doubles exhibition match here. He further said that he would soon team up with someone else. He has parted ways with his former Indian teammate Rohan Bopanna. “Our separation is not a big thing. That was completely a professional move. I will soon team up with someone else,” he said.
Rohan also stayed for a few days in Pakistan to attend Aisam’s wedding ceremonies. Aisam and Rohan, who won many tournaments together and were dubbed as ‘IndoPak Express’, were placed at 5th spot in doubles team rankings. “I will try my best to play in next year’s Olympics’ tennis doubles event,” said Qureshi.
He also said that he would play for Pakistan Davis Cup tie in Lebanon in February next year. “I will play for Pakistan in Davis Cup tie. However, it would have been better if we had hosted the tie in Pakistan as it was earlier scheduled. It would have given us home-ground advantage.
“The federation (Pakistan Tennis Federation) should have made efforts to retain the right to host the event. Security conditions in Pakistan are now stable and foreigners are coming here. The Chinese hockey team are also playing in Pakistan. In the recent past, the security conditions in Lebanon were also not stable, so I think we should have taken a stand,” Qureshi stressed. He further said that tennis could be promoted in Pakistan if corporations came forward to help the game. “Corporations should come forward and sponsor tennis events.”

Copyright Thenews 25.12.2011

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